DZX2

Nappy-Change. The challenge of modern fatherhood.

2012-01-01T23:20:00.000Z

A radio documentary by Daniel Zylbersztajn

(English)

25 minutes feature,including translations

Having been a full time father himself for two years, Daniel Zylbersztajn asks what the challenges of more involved fatherhood are today and discovers both progress in gender equality as well as a surprising amount of prejudice about fathers.

The feature covers paternity issues both in England and in Germany.

Period of recordings:April – November 2011

Date of production Dec2011

Hear a sample:

Available to interested buyers.

The Possibilities and Impossibilities of Being A Neighbour

2011-11-04T20:10:00.000Z

Article on thinking about Jewish-Polish, Jewish-German relations and simply on the issue of being a neighbour, or not! Leading Feature Open Democracy 4/11/2011

Special thanks to the editors of Open Democracy, above all R.B., and front page ed., for your interest as well as choosing this as your leading weekend feature-story. Thanks also to Ben Gidley, James Renton and Agnieszka Piśkiewicz for their respective input and Kei Kulp for one of the pictures.

http://www.opendemocracy.net/daniel-zylbersztajn/possibilities-and-impossibilities-of-being-neighbour

2011-09-28T07:32:00.002+01:00

Has finished a small video finish production produced for viewing on an NGO's fundraising event.

Feature on Food-Coops (in German)

2011-07-01T00:03:00.012+01:00

A 25min long feature on food-coops runs currently on chosen Free Radio German stations with strong co-operative tradition. It just felt right that the long version of this documentary should go to initiatives of similar nature to food co-operatives . More Power to the people!

Feature includes interviews from New York, London and Hamburg. English translated into German with German moderation.

Ein 25 minütiges Radiofeature über Lebensmittelkooperativen ist momentan im Angebot von verschiedenen freien Radiostationen mit kooperativer nicht staatlicher Tradition. Es passte einfach, dass die lange Version dieses Features an gleich-inhaltliche Einrichtungen ging. More power to the people!

Feature beinhaltet Interviews aus New York, London und Hamburg, Englisch ins Deutsche übersetzt und moderiert.

Listen to the podcast:

http://soundcloud.com/zylbersztajn/lebensmittelkooperativen/s-sO0VI

On Air Schedule:

12 Juli 2011, Radio Querfunk Karlsruhe www.querfunk.de, 104.8FM 16.00-16.30, Livestream ueber Internetseite

To broadcast it on your radio station simply use the sound-cloud stream and notify me in advance!

New feature upcoming singer - Neues Feature Sängerin

2011-05-16T12:10:00.005+01:00

Ein fünf minütiges Deutsches Radiofeature (Englisch mit Übersetzung) über eine talentierte und politisch engagierte Sängerin , produziert für spätere Sendung. Auf Anfrage als Sample anhörbar. Bitte per E-mail direkt bei mir anfragen.

A five minute audio feature (in German, originally conducted in English) about an exciting and talented young upcoming singer has now been produced for later broadcasting. On request a sample can be can provided. Please contact me by email.

PR for British Friends of Neve Shalom~Wahat al-Salam April 2011

2011-04-24T13:43:00.000+01:00

LONDON PEACE CONCERT CELEBRATING 40 YEARS OF THE JEWISH AND PALESTINIAN SHARED PEACE VILLAGE!

Come and support us at our "ruby celebratory" concert in London with The London Mozart Trio on Tuesday 21st June 2011, 7.30pm at the beautiful Hampstead Town Hall in London and our guest of honour Michael Morpurgo OBE author, poet and playwright.

Musical Programme featuring:

Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart ................ Piano Trio No 4 in E Major K542

Rachmaninoff ....................................Trio élégiaque No. 1 in G minor

Bohuslav Martinů .................................Piano Trio No.2 in D minor

Post-concert reception (including best ticket) £60

Concert only ............................................. £30

All Profits going towards the educational facilities of the peace village,
including the mixed Palestinian Jewish kindergarten and primary school.

Tickets obtainable online using Pay Pal or your Credit or Debit Card:

Or from the British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam office. Pay by cheque, or debit and credit cards (Visa and Mastercard only). By POST British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam, Premier House, 112 Station Road, Edgware, Middx. HA8 7BJ

Or PHONE 020 8952 4717 A donation would be appreciated if you are unable to attend. E-MAIL: gillian.g@oasisofpeaceuk.org

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Oasis of Peace UK

We support the educational programmes of the Primary School, School for Peace and Pluralistic Spiritual Centre of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam (Hebrew and Arabic for Oasis of Peace). It is the first place where Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel have made a determined choice to live, work and educate their children together in the spirit of equality, respect and understanding. Dedicated to promoting peace, the Village is known far and wide for its vital educational programmes and its example of shared co-existence.

www.oasisofpeaceuk.org

The London Mozart Trio

This is the second time The London Mozart Trio has been prepared to donate their precious time and kind efforts for the benefit of the Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam. When the trio accepted their latest new member, Sagi Hartov who happened to be Jewish Israeli, engagement with the peace village became even more poignant. Sagi Hartov explains with enthusiasm: „The Trio believes in the idea of collaboration without borders and in the concept of helping to build peace through music. Through our performance we wish to contribute to the aspirations of the village of living together in harmony and to remember and celebrate the achievement of peace in this unique place.“ The Trio stands firmly established as one of the most versatile and exciting chamber ensembles to emerge in recent years, the London Mozart Trio (formed1989) has attracted considerable critical acclaim for its many committed performances and profound musicianship. They have released a number of CDs in the UK and overseas.

www.lmt.org.uk

Michael Morpurgo (special guest)

We are delighted that Michael Morpurgo will join us for the evening. Author of The Kites are Flying, he recently visited the Village to meet children from the Primary School, where they made kites together. After his visit he said: The more schools there are like this [Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam] the more children can meet and talk when they are young the greater chances of reconciliation.

www.michaelmorpurgo.com

Post Concert Reception
After the concert, which will take place in the stunning grade ll listed Hampstead Town Hall, there will be a chance to meet the performers and guests and join us for wine, non alcoholic drinks and enticing Middle Eastern delicacies.

Hampstead Town Hall
Map
213 Haverstock Hill, London NW3 4QP
Nearest Underground Stn: Belsize Park,
Buses: 168, C11, 268, 46

Children from the mixed Jewish and Palestinian school in NSWAS

Mozart Trio

Pictures free for use in relation to above event only.

This notice was issued through Daniel Zylbersztajn Journalism & PR on behalf of British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam, Premier House, 112 Station Road, Edgware, Middx HA8 7BJ, T. 020 8952 4717 E-Mail: gillian.g@oasisofpeaceuk.org, Website: www.oasisofpeaceuk.org, Charity No. 290062

Mozart Opera Translation

2011-04-15T13:46:00.004+01:00

I was recently working on a close to original translation into English of one of Mozart's opera plays. I was contracted by group of professional musicians who wish to stage a new version of the opera play soon using the translation.

New Radio Feature in Progress

2011-02-19T00:25:00.002Z

I am currently working on two new German language radio features with interviews in the USA, Germany and the United Kingdom on a socially responsible business models as well as on parenting. It is a real challenge because I am working hand in hand with my parental responsibilities as currently near full time dad, which makes my time very precious and good strong coffee a blessing! But I am in part doing this to prove that parents can be contributing to society in other ways than just being dads or mums and can make a brilliant job of their work and their parenting at the same time. More details when the program is complete.

School For Peace keeps records up

2011-02-13T00:19:00.000Z

Just learned that my English language radio feature "School for Peace in Oasis of Peace" (uploaded about two years ago) is currently the all time third most played Radio Documentary on Audiofarm, and within the top 50 of the all time most played. Audiofarm is a You Tube of Radio. It introduces the School for Peace conflict transformation between Palestinian and Jewish Israelis in Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom. One is his own worst critic though. Still think I could have done an even better job, especially on sound, but as is usual, I was working to a strict dead-line.

http://en.audiofarm.org/audiofiles/5017

Hanukkah article for school

2010-12-04T23:27:00.002Z

I have decided to use my writing skills to compose an article to challenge the very Christian ethos of my daughter's school as a way of softly and positively alerting them of the existence of others. It appeared in the schools newsletter yesterday. My theme was on the inter-connectedness of the evolution of the festival of Christmas and Hanukkah with examples and a conclusion that suggested that the aims in the end are very similar even if not original to either. Togetherness, lightening up the dark, hope, family! The article was very well received and was even accompanied by another article on a visit to a Hindu shrine. I found the book Weihnukkah by the Jewish Museum of Berlin most useful in my research.

Shoa, Trauma, Threat and Claude Lanzmann's Tsahal

2010-11-09T00:28:00.004Z

Claude Lanzmann is the creator of the epic film documentary Shoa that many may still remember. He made another documentary film entitled Tsahal. In this work I considered both films and the possible relevance of linking the shoa and the Israeli Defence Forces.

This is one of those works I would have liked to integrate into my PhD.

Document not available online! Please contact me if interested!

Black and Jewish violence justifying militants (2001)

2010-11-07T22:38:00.004Z

This is the conclusion of my upgrade paper of my PhD attempt (2001) on the justification of violence as a means of action amongst Jewish and Black militants. This talk was held at Univ. of Leeds and later at SOAS.

Conclusions: Hearing Aids ( Justification of violence as a means of action amongst Blacks and Jews)

The main reason why I discontinued the project was due to the need to work to earn a living and my inability to secure a full bursary, although I did win a British Academy AHRB university fee covering award. I am not excluding the possibility to return to this one day given the right circumstances.

Rastafarianism as Political Youth Culture in Freetown, Sierra Leone

2010-11-06T23:33:00.002Z

An archive find. This was my 1995 BA Dissertation from SOAS, University of London, which included field research in Freetown, Sierra Leone.. I finally managed to upload it. The dissertation documents a real phenomenon in Freetown when Sierra Leone was under NRPC rule at the very beginnings of the unrests with the RUF that would later cause the bloody civil war. Some of the interviewed and some of those on the pictures are now dead. The professors at SOAS were in two minds on this. Prof. Cruise O'Brian an old school expert on Politics in Africa dismissed it, because he said I had not proved that Rastafarianism was in deed a real force amongst all in Sierra Leone, whilst a younger professor, who took on supervision thereafter, Dr. Richard Jeffries, an expert on Ghanaian politics, felt it to be important. It is important to note that this work predates the internet revolution. Whilst we had internet in those days, it mainly was useful to share information with other scholars. However resources on Sierra Leone were otherwise limited. I have brought out this work from the attic, which explains its poor colour on the text and also I could no longer trace the bibliography. However the pictures are sill stunning! I have not included transcripts, which I do still have.

Read / Download Rastafarianism as Political Youth Culture in Freetown Sierra Leone (1995).

Press Release / PR British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam

2010-09-25T13:20:00.004+01:00

This was written as part pf apress release and used for British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam in October 2010. It had two follow ups explaining the importance of the event to editors.

---------------
Event: Outreach for Peace

Top Negotiation Leaders between Palestinians and Jews with 30 years experience, here in London

Ian Black, Middle East Editor of The Guardian,
in conversation with Dr. Nava Sonnenschein and Ahmad Hijazi
(Nava is Jewish and Ahmad Palestinian. Both are Israeli citizens)

Monday 25th Oct, 2010, 6.30 p.m., Friends House, London (opposite Euston Station).

Nava and Ahmad will be talking about the renowned School for Peace (SfP),
noted throughout the world as a centre of excellence for conflict transformation.

Situated within a community which has defied every single conflict between
in the Middle East over more than 30 years, the SfP is creating peace
through its every-day work on the ground, and the never-ending thinking and
re-thinking on how to achieve this.

Nava and Ahmad will be telling their story, how they have been inspired to adopt
a life beyond the imagination of many, and the vital and important work at the
unique village of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam.

Tickets £15, available through British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam (Reg. UK Charity),
Premier House, 112 Station Rd, Edgware, HA8 7BJ, gillian.nswas@btconnect.com 020 8952 4717

Tags:
Israel - Palestine - Middle East - Jews - Arabs - Palestinians - Conflict Resolution - Conflict Transformation - Neve Shalom -
Wahat al Salam - London Events - Peace - Community Cohesion

NOTE TO EDITORS: NO RESTRICTIONS - FOR IMMEDIATE PUBLICATION

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Rate

2010-08-29T11:21:00.001+01:00

NUJ guidlines on rates:

BBC Rates for Broadcasters

For specific details contact me.

Kings Cross

2010-04-06T14:22:00.000+01:00

I write from time to time on Kings Cross Environment a hyper-local blog by local people at London's hub.

Talks Series (Meretz UK) Press Release

2010-03-09T00:16:00.007Z

This was issued by me on Tuesday, 9 March 2010 on www.meretz.org.uk. The series was put together by me, wording by me, design of leaflet Hagai van der Horst. Proof reading credits go to the volunteer of Meretz UK at the time, who prefers to remain unnamed. This version is smaller than the original.

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Talks and Lecture Schedule March – June 2010

Sunday, 25th of April - 20.00 Saul Issroff: “Who were my ancestors?” Saul Isroff expert on genealogical and family tree research introduces its general themes, with attention to past Jewish populations. Q.& A. Saul Issroff is a retired dermatologist, with an interest in Jewish genealogy and history. Amongst others he is founding member and one of the vice-presidents of the Jewish Genealogy Society (UK). He is also project director at the Centre for Study of Migration and Jewish Genealogy, University of Cape Town and on the board of governors of Jewishgen. He has published works on Jewish history, especially migratory history in a number of publications. If you want to know more about your ancestors, or where to start looking, don't miss this session!
Monday 10th of May - 20.00 Mossi Raz: "From Lebanon to Gaza - Challenges to War and Peace." Former elected Meretz Israel parliamentary representative hosts talk on Gaza 2009, Lebanon 2006, and the current crisis in the Middle East.
This May, Mossi Raz, a long standing defender of peace and civil rights will be in London to lead a discussion on public responses to IDF military action in Lebanon in 2006 and Gaza in 2009. Having been Peace Now's former Secretary General, Raz has later been closely affiliated with the agenda of Israel's Meretz-Yachad party. His talk will address the debates surrounding the recent IDF incursions which attracted attention and caused disputes both in the Knesset and among Left-wing Israeli liberal groups like Meretz. The event is set to provide a panoramic and up to date account on the current political situation in Israel, informed in part by his involvement with the ground breaking joint Palestinian / Israeli 'All for Peace' Radio station.
Monday 24th May - 19.30 The Radical Jewish East End in History and Song. The history and the songs of the Jewish radical past in East London. A joint talk by social historian Ben Gidley and teacher and musician Vivi Lachs. Dr. Ben Gidley is a Senior Researcher at the Centre on Migration Policy and Society (COMPAS) at Oxford University. He has studied and written about the history of London's Jewish community, focusing on the many Jewish radicals in the 20th century London East End. Vivi Lachs has been teaching and running education projects in Hackney schools for the past 24 years. She is also the singer with the band Klezmer Klub where she has been researching, recording, and writing about Yiddish songs of London and the social histories they contain. A very well reviewed CD of these songs, Whitechapel, mayn Vaytshepl has just come out and is available from www.klezmerklub.co.uk
Sunday, 13th June - 19.30 Mira Vogel: Jews, Israel and The Green Party. Perceptions and Stereotypes. This is an in depth analysis into the mechanics of a potential political ally of Jewish people and Israelis on the Left, with ever surprising revelations. Mira Vogel works at Goldsmiths College as an academic developer with a focus on technology-enhanced learning. In early 2000 she became very worried about the academic boycott campaign against Israel and later became involved with Engage, which ran an information campaign against the boycott attempts. When this campaign found a home in the Green Party, she and other Green Party members founded Greens Engage which hopes to influence Green Party policy regarding Israel, as well as to oppose anti-semitism. Mira Vogel's presentation will give an overview of the efforts by Green Party members to respond to the intersection of anti-semitism and anti-Zionism, a discussion of the effects and limits of activist blogging, and a call for solidarity with and from Israeli progressives.
Sunday 27th June - 19.30 The emerging Civil War over Israel within the Jewish community – and how to deal with it’. Dr. Keith Kahn-Harris is Honorary Research Fellow at the Centre for Religion and Contemporary Society at Birkbeck College, the convenor of the intra-Jewish dialogue project New Jewish Thought and co-author of the book ‘Turbulent Times: The British Jewish Community Today’. He is a frequent columnist in the The Guardian and has published widely on contemporary Jewish themes, as well as conducted independent and academic sociological research.

All talks £8, conc. £6.50, Members: £5, conc.£4 (*) on door. Our events are open to people of all backgrounds. Ha Shomer House is located 5 minutes from Finchley Road London Underground station (Jubilee & Metropolitan Line) and bus stops (C11, 82,13, 187) and less than 10 minutes from Swiss Cottage (Jubilee Line, and buses 13,31, 46, 82, 113, 187, 268, 603, C11) and West-Hampstead tube and B.R. Parking is free on Sundays. Ha Shomer House is a ground-floor venue without stairs. For more details about the events or Meretz UK, (*) Meretz UK annual membership is available for £20 / £10 concessions.

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Licence.

Vegetarian Magazine -Autumn 2009

2009-11-23T22:18:00.005Z

A short readers letter in the Vegetarian Magazine that not only made it in, but also was awarded the star honours.

Page 62, The Vegetarian, Autumn 2009 Why Kill for Eggs!

Conference Press Release

2009-11-22T00:11:00.004Z

The press release written by me, was first issued on Sunday, 22 November 2009 on www.meretz.org.uk . The conference was fully researched and organised by me, minus on the ground implementation on the day.

Untermenschen and Asylum Seekers. Conference Sunday 24th of January 2010.

"Untermenschen" and "Asylum Seekers":

Refugees and Economic Migrants. Past and contemporary themes on refugees and migrants, reviewed by experts, time witnesses and campaigners from Britain, Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. A one day information conference organised by Meretz UK.

24th January 2010
Start 09.45 (9.00Doors Open), End 1930 (approx.)

Venue: Meretz UK - 37a Broadhurst Gardens, NW6

Costs: Advance £25 / Concessions £15.

Donation ticket £65 (£40 will go directly to charities present on the day).

On door £30/£20. Donations welcome.

People who can not pay the lowest rate above, but who wish to attend are advised to contact the office by email and state their case for an application of a further reduced rate.

Any surplus income will be donated to charities related to the

presentations, including Asylum Aid, ARDC, SOS Children Villages, Save Behnam.

Featuring:

Mimitah Best New Comer Awarded Singer

to perform at our refugee day

David Rosenberg: The 1905 Aliens Act . How it came to be, its impact and why it is important to know about it 110 years on.
Leslie Baruch Brent: Sunday's Child? My life story and how it shaped me.
Out of Sight, Out of Mind: 25min. FILM documentary, (Harris / Ben Tovim) Narrated by Juliet Stevenson
Edwin Shuker: Jewish Refugee from 1970s Iraq. How being a refugee has shaped me.
Jayyab Abusafia: Refugee Existence in Gaza. A young Palestinian journalism student recounts his years growing up as a Palestinian refugee in Gaza under Israeli occupation.
Nitzan Horowitz: Current Meretz Israel Member of Knesset (MK), Israeli House of Parliament. CANCELLED, We have instead Rotem Ilan of Israeli Children, an organisation fighting for the rights of refugee children who lived in Israel for the majority of their lives.
The Forgotten Refugees (2005): Award winning Documentary about Jewish refugees from the Middle East and the Maghreb produced by the David Project / Isra TV.
Ben Du Preez: Refugees cared for by African Refugee Development Centre (ARDC), Tel Aviv.
Maurice Wren: Director, Asylum Aid. London: Asylum Aid 2010. Contemporary challenges and successes
Pauline Levis: One person can make a difference. How and why I got involved in running a campaign to safe Behnam
Mimitah Abofando: Professional singer originally from the Democratic Republic of Congo. She will perform live as well as talk a little about growing up in a refugee family!

More:
If any people are experts on being refugees by their experiences throughout human history, the Jewish people would surely make a good candidate. Jewish people with direct refugee experience live still amongst us and can recount their still vivid memories. What the German Nazis labelled to be racial sub-humans "Untermenschen" were to be expelled from the German Reich by force. Today many Jewish people are well settled in relatively safe countries. Our refugee experience obligates us to look around us. What are the realities of refugees today? The last few decades saw a tightening of the EU borders to outsiders, with an increase of desperate people willing to risk all to reach Western shores. Many just want a better chance in life, others are refugees from the war torn battlegrounds that humanity fails to prevent or end. Asylum Laws have tightened in spite of the introduction of the European Human Rights Charter in the U.K. 1000s of people drown every year trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea to reach Europe, others perish in deserts. Many live phantom existences in European towns, exploited, without medical aid, always on the run. People smuggling has grown into a sophisticated business involving criminal gangs from many corners on earth. In Israel Darfurian Sudanese refugees and other migrants who hoped the Jewish people will understand have made headlines, mostly because of appalling treatment by the state and related authorities. The birth of Israel supposed to end unsafe refugee existence of Jews caused other Jews from Arabic speaking countries to become refugees and the stories of Palestinian refugees goes hand in hand with the establishment of Israel, and remains still unresolved. This is the reason why Meretz UK has decided to dedicate a special day on the issue of refugees and migrants to inform, discuss and encourage to help and take action. We have succeeded to get an excellent line of speakers and what's more money raised through this event will reach refugees in Europe and in the Middle East.

Be there listen, participate, get encouraged, take action!

More details:

David Rosenberg: is a teacher and writer who also leads guided walks on London's radical history (http://www.eastendwalks.com/). He is on the National Committee of the Jewish Socialists' Group and on the editorial committee of the Jewish Socialist Magazine. During the 1980s he was co-ordinator of the Jewish Cultural and Anti-Racist Project and then worked for the Runnymede Trust - a research and information body dealing with issues of racism and discrimination.

Leslie Baruch Brent's autobiography is called "Sunday's Child? A Memoir." He is University of London Emeritus Professor, and a Kinder-transport refugee, and has been outspoken on a number of civil rights and human rights subjects in the past.

Edwin Shuker fled Iraq when Arab Nationalism caused Jewish expulsion as a response to the foundation of Israel. However he is a man of bitter sweet memories, who thinks that the Jewish experience amongst Arab and Muslim countries has more to offer than an example of failure, but also a possible example how "Others" can live successfully amongst a non-Jewish Muslim majority in the Middle East.

Out of Sight, Out of Mind is a 25 min documentary following three mothers as they struggle to provide a normal life for their children against the shocking reality of being an asylum seeker in the UK. Emily Harris and Yoni Bentovim are an award winning filmmaking duo. They began collaborating whilst studying at the London Film School and have continued to produce successful projects ranging from drama shorts and feature to television documentaries. The film was recently screened at the Human Rights Film Festival.

Jayyab Abusafia is from Jabylia Refuge Camp in the north of Gaza Strip, the biggest Refugee Camp in the Occupied Territories. He is studying for a Journalism career here in London.

Nitzan Horowitz, MK cancelled due to unexpected committment in Germany.

Rotem Ilan, of the organisation Israeli Children, replaces Nitzan Horowitz on suggestion of his office. Rotem was described to us as one of the real hopefuls on young Left in Israel. Being only 24 years of age, with a BA in Psychology and Special Education she set up "Israeli Children" herself in July 2009. "Israeli Children" is fighting against the government decision to deport children of migrant workers that were born and raised in Israel. She will introduce the organization (that is supported among others by MK Nitzan Horowitz from Meretz), and talk about the absence of a clear migration policy in Israel that led to the current situation in which these children are facing deportation after they already felt a part of the Israeli society. See here for a profile in Haaretz.

Ben Du Preez (formerly Amnesty International (Refugee Rights) and Sadaka-Reut): Refugees cared for by African Refugee Development Centre (ARDC), Tel Aviv. ARDC was one of the first is today one of the leading organisations to reach out to non Jewish African refugees in Israel. Ben Du-Preez worked alongside ARDC as part of his mission in Israel to check on refugees in prisons. Du-Preez currently took a break from work to study at SOAS.

David Project (Boston). An educational trust and lobby group that serves to promote "strong voices for Israel," who also campaigned for the story of Arabic speaking Jewish refugees to be publicised. They and Isra TV are producers and promoters of the documentary "The Forgotten Refugees, (Executive Producer: Ralph Avi Goldwasser
Director: Michael Grynszpan)" winner of the Marbella Film festival 2007 and The Warsaw Film festival 2006.

Maurice Wren, Director, Asylum Aid. London: Asylum Aid 2010. Contemporary challenges and Successes:Asylum Aid is a leading national charity working to secure protection for people seeking refuge in the United Kingdom from persecution and human rights abuses abroad. They provide legal aid, and act as a lobby and support group

Pauline Levis is a single-handed grassroot campaigner for an Iranian Refugee and Asylum Seeker. She is a former chair of Meretz UK by coincidence.

Mimitah Abofando is a professional singer originally from the Democratic Republic of Congo. She grew up in a refugee family in the UK and has recently won the award of best new talent at the 2nd African Music Award. http://www.mimitah.com/

Buy Tickets either via our online facility here (now deleted), with a cheque issued to to Meretz UK, 37a Broadhurst Gardens, London NW6 3BN or pay on door. Limited Availability!

Meretz Director Meets African Hebrew Community Senior Member

2009-11-08T00:04:00.004Z

This article was first published on the Meretz UK website.
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Meretz UK Executive Director Daniel Zylbersztajn has met with Sar Elyakeem Ben Yehuda one of the most senior members of the African Hebrew Israelites, who most prominently live in Dimona, Israel as well as in Jerusalem.

Mr Ben Yehuda has in January 2009 become the first member of the African Hebrew Israelites to be granted full Israeli Citizenship, which also extends to his children.  Ben Yehuda is currently in Great Britain and Europe to raise awareness about his community and change often false perceptions about it.

Ben Yehuda lived in Israel since 1971. He is a worldly man of high intellect with a friendly approachable manner. He said that the community had grown from its humble beginnings to count now 3000 members, not even counting supporters abroad. He mentioned the various positive projects they were engaged in as a community to both defend Israel's right to exist to amongst some prejudiced African communities, as well as to promote peace in the Middle East.  He said, "some believe we are a cult, but in the 40 years of being in Israel we have proven to be a positive part of Israeli life."

He was interested in how he and members of the African Hebrew Israelites in the UK could help to improve the image of Israel amongst the wider African communities in the United Kingdom.

He mentioned that the community had met with delegates of the Obama regime, as well as through a member who holds a ministerial governmental post in Ghana. Further that Shimon Peres had recently addressed the community as a positive part of Israel.

In the conversation Daniel Zylbersztajn conceded that whilst Kibbutzim were on the collapse nearly everywhere else in Israel, the African Hebrew Israelites are proving the Kibbutz idea well and alive in their own community and that also significant achievements were made in changing lives around for some people who have become their members. Not only through work in deprived inner city communities in the West but also through worthy projects in the South. He thanked Mr Ben Yehuda for seeking to meet with him and Meretz UK.

A public introductory talk on the African Hebrew Israelites at Meretz is planned for 2010.

The African Hebrew Israelites are a Jewish community of mostly African members (both diaspora and continental) who understand themselves as part of the Jewish People, both by calling, as well as by migratory routes in the past. They study Torah and Jewish Law and live an environmentally aware, naturalist and ethical Jewish life-style. For more information see
http://africanhebrewisraelitesofjerusalem.com/

Meretz UK supports the rights of the African Hebrew Israelites to settle in Israel. If some supposed birth right migrants to Israel become Neonazis (see http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/6985808.stm) then one can only endorse a group of people that feels so positive about living a Jewish life in Israel and wanting to be part of Israel.

Meretz UK also rejects the idea and fact that the orthodox Ashkenazi and Spheradic rabbinical authorities in Israel, who have political power through representation in the Knesset, should have the sole right to define and decide who is a Jew and who not when it comes to Israeli citizenship.

Translations

2009-10-28T18:09:00.002Z

German to English translations of partially technical German www.nihola.de

e.g.

Adventure with Nihola, Oct 2009

Nordic Embassy Events October 2009

Press Release at Meretz UK Oct 2009

2009-10-17T22:13:00.000+01:00

This press-release was first drafted by me and then issued after the input of two other members of the organisation (Meretz UK). It was released on 17th October 2010

Saturday, 17 October 2009

Goldstone, Temple Mount, Obama, Refugees in Israel

A brief statement by Meretz UK including positional decisions from our Policy Committee October 2009

1. We recall our recent statement on the Goldstone Report even in the face of the UN Human Rights Committee. Read Here

2. We welcome the Nobel Peace Price for Barack Obama (Watch here). Whilst we understand that it was based on intend and on vision, we nevertheless fully support Obama's vision for Israel and Palestine and its immediate neighbours, as expressed in Cairo (Listen Here). Peace can not come only by Obama's will and good intend. We feel that it is now time for Benjamin Nethanyahu and Mahmood Abbas to cease putting obstacles in the way of peace, and that they adopt a different vision. We hope for the later to be courageous and become recipients of a forthcoming Nobel Peace price.

3. We are concerned about the developments in Jerusalem on the grounds of temple mount / dome of the rocks. Meretz UK believes that such tensions will not serve anyone. We call on all concerned to be more contemplative, and put renewed efforts in inter-faith dialogue, an dialogue between Muslim Palestinians and Jews of Jerusalem.

We further note that Meretz Israel Member of Knesset M.K. Nitzan Horowitz currently opposes measures to deport children of refugees and economic migrants born in Israel and fully support him in his stance to enforce a humane voice on the issue of refugees in Israel.

Insisting on Hope

2009-09-22T23:32:00.002+01:00

Message from the UK Executive Director Daniel Zylbersztajn

2009-09-04T00:09:00.001+01:00

This press release was first published on www.meretz.org.uk

Friday, 4 September 2009

Message from the UK Executive Director Daniel Zylbersztajn

It is my great honour to have become the executive director of Meretz UK very recently. It is a post of great importance in Jewish life, and yet the Left of Jewish life here and in Israel has been much ignored in the last decade. There were frustrations about the peace process, even two outright war situations, that caused some to reach a state of apathy and disinterest. There were the boycotts and outbursts of some British politicians that pushed at times well meaning left wing supporters to the right, and then there were perhaps some mistakes and inactions of our own making.

I have been selected after careful deliberation in the hope that the hope for equality, civil rights, human rights and peace between Jews and Palestinian and Israel and its Arab neighbours have an address once again. If you support all the above, Meretz UK is the place to be, to support and help re-build.

There can be no doubt that there is much to do and so much need for us to exist. The debates between those who claim that in January 2009 the IDF did nothing wrong and those who claim that disturbing irregularities by the IDF occurred (to put it mildly) is still ongoing. Netanyahu and Lieberman are running Israel in a shocking coalition that left settlements in tact or in expansion, that left the rest of Israel in a dire state of pay cuts, diminished social welfare provisions and increased hatred of non Jewish migrants (legal and illegal) and a murderous attack on a Lesbian and Gay centre in Tel Aviv. What is more disturbing is that in deed the majority of Jewish Israelis voted for this political leadership.

Here in Britain Jews have seen an increase in anti-Jewish and anti-Israeli attacks, there is little plurality within the British Jewish hemisphere, and it seems almost impossible to be Zionist and not end up under the wings of some right wing unquestioning quango, in spite of the fact that much of Zionists history was governed by groups who were inspired by trying to create a better future in Palestine, from communal Kibbutzim pioneers, socialist ideologues who dreamed of being able to convince the Arab workers to unite with the Jewish workers, to outspoken advocates for human and civil rights.

The treatment of migration and immigrations and the rise of brown-shirts are themes that Jews in Britain are sensitive to. We have witnessed successes by the BNP (most shockingly in Manchester) and Europe-wide the sympathy for migrants has worsened, especially that of Africans in Southern Europe, but not exclusively. Only recently a BBC investigation confirmed that if you had a foreign name or accent some estate agents agreed not to refer foreigners to a racist landlord. My own Polish spelled name and German accent would certainly fail in some areas in Britain.

I hope that we can enlarge our movement in the UK. There are reasons here and abroad why we must not give in. The Jewish Left was once a very strong parameter of Jewish life in Britain, and anyone who makes claims otherwise is only ignorant of his or her own history. Israel likewise needs more supporters, who are willing to commit to the only political movement in the Knesset (currently three seats) that guarantees equality, civil rights, human rights peace as well as for the right of Jews to live in Israel. Most recently green and animal welfare issues were also put forward by Meretz there.

I think it is fair to say that we at Meretz UK are Jews and supporters with a moral conscience, without being in denial of Israel or consumed with what the right claims is self hatred. To the contrary. There is a proud Jewish tradition, far reaching too, of humanitarianism, of care for others, and fighting for equality and justice and peace.

This year we have seen the rise of Barack Obama to power. Nobody thought it could be possible, now let us work for a better future in Israel and here in Europe against the barrage of the right and far right.

In this spirit I will try and rebuild Meretz UK with all it needs. We will need some time, but also some new people to help.

Daniel Zylbersztajn

School for Peace in Oasis of Peace wins best file of the day listing on Audiofarm

2009-05-30T23:00:00.004+01:00

With great and humble gratitude I am pleased to learn that my feature School for Peace in Oasis of Peace was listed best new audio file to listen to on 30 May 2009 by the people at Audiofarm. Audiofarm is something like a youtube for audio files. It hosts countless numbers of audio files, with many added daily. I am very grateful to them for honouring the documentary in this way, and once again thanks to the British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al Salam and the all at the School for Peace in the village.

Listen here: School for Peace in Oasis of Peace

Nava Sonnenschein on School for Peace at Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom

2009-05-29T20:55:00.000+01:00

Dr. Nava Sonnenschein is one of the bones behind the conflict facilitation centre School for Peace at Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom. She not only founded it together with others but has conducted serious research into the work they are doing, resulting in several publications, most recently Dialogue Challenging Identity: Jews Constructing their Identify through Encounter with Palestinians (Pardes, Haifa 2008), which is so far only available in Hebrew. Here she explains in depth why the School for Peace at Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom is a unique place for encounter work between Jews and Palestinians.

Part 1
Part 2

Nava Sonnenschein talking about School for Peace by Daniel Zylbersztajn and teh British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al Salam is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No Derivative Works 2.0 UK: England & Wales License.
Based on a work at daniel-zylbersztajn.blogspot.com.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://daniel-zylbersztajn.blogspot.com/.

Tags:
conflict resolution
Neve Shalom
Palestine
Palestinian Israelis
Jewish Israelis
dialogue
Israel
Palestinians
Israelis
Facilitation
Encounter
Israeli Arabs
Wahat al Salam
Nava Sonnenschein

School for Peace in Oasis of Peace. A feature about conflict facilitation between Jews and Palestinians in Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom

2009-05-29T02:09:00.000+01:00

This 30 feature radio documentary was produced on behalf of the British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al Salam. It dcouments the work of the School for Peace, the famous encounter centre that allows Jews and Palestinians to meet and discuss the conflict between them. 30min.

A full transcript is available.

Listen Here

Synopsis: Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom is a peace village, on the Israeli side of former no-mans land dividing Israel and Jordan prior to 1967, in which Palestinians and Jews live together for over 30 years. It houses amongst others one of the most remarkable conflict transformation and encounter centres in the world, the School for Peace. Daniel Zylbersztajn went to visit the centre and spoke with some of its key people, as well as some of the persons currently going through the encounter process. It reveals some unknown secrets of effective facilitation of conflict. esolution 44 khz.Full Length: 29:45Average sound level: not exceeding -6dBDate Produced: May 2009QEP project file available. Creative Commons Licence.

Tags:conflict resolution Neve Shalom Palestine Palestinian Israelis Jewish Israelis dialogue Israel Palestinians Israelis Facilitation Encounter Israeli Arabs Wahat al Salam Nava Sonnenschein

This feature by Daniel Zylbersztajn and the British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al Salam is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No Derivative Works 2.0 UK: England & Wales License.
Based on a work at daniel-zylbersztajn.blogspot.com.
Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at http://daniel-zylbersztajn.blogspot.com/.

Press Release BF NSWAS 2009

2009-02-14T00:57:00.001Z

Press Release by Daniel Z. for the British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al Salam
Information contained within let to publication on the matter in a leading national British newspaper. Hyper-Links and some contact details have been removed from this version

PRESS RELEASE

Fao: Education Editor / Writer

How to teach Palestine / Israel in your school and reduce conflict amongst teenagers in Britain at the same time?

The dilemma of the recent crisis in Gaza is well known to many schoolteachers across the country. Our media-literate children bring the big questions of international politics right into the classroom. Too often the response by teachers is a shoulder shrug, or referral of the matter to outside the classroom. This can even happen in subjects that otherwise touch on the matter, e.g. citizenship, R.E, geography.

But the search for answers should not be refused. "Children are too bright to allow their questions to be shelved or rebuffed!" says educational trainer Susan Denton-Brown, a former head of R.E, who leads a training course for teachers on behalf of the British Friends of Neve SHalom ~ Wahat al Salam (Oasis of Peace).

The British Friends (with the long name) represent a village that still surprises many by its mere existence, in spite of having been founded over 30 years’ ago. Wahat-al Salam - Neve Shalom, or WaSNS, is a village in which Palestinians and Jews have chosen to live together and establish institutions that demonstrate that choice. Whilst all in the village are citizens of Israel, their impact is felt far across the border, including Britain. The village of WaSNS houses, amongst others, a bilingual, bi-cultural and multi-faith kindergarten and primary school (where children are taught simultaneously in Arabic and Hebrew), a world renowned conflict transformation centre entitled appropriately the School for Peace, a hotel for guests of all backgrounds, and a pluralistic spiritual centre.

"The Gaza war at the beginning of this year represented a great challenge for all the villagers, and also the British Friends," says UK director Benita Hide, but "we all have been there before, many times, and successfully persevered." It is especially the commitment to dialogue that acknowledges differences, and an agreement on the shared benefits of peace that has ensured that the community is still a flourishing and growing Oasis of Peace. There are now over 50 families (Jews and Palestinians equally) living on a stretch of former no-man's land that was once the border between Jordan and Israel up until 1967.

- MORE -

Cont

For teachers in the UK, the British Friends have developed a powerful teaching resource, Dealing with Conflict. Not only does it teach students about this remarkable village, but it gives a chronology of the Palestinian - Israeli conflict since 1919, in two columns; on one side the general Arab / Palestinian version, on the other the Jewish / Israeli. What's more, there are over 50 activities inspired by the School for Peace, that are carefully integrated to meet different constituents of the citizenship curriculum. Dealing with Conflict not only aims to explain the conflict in the Middle East through games and thoughtful role play, but actually creates awareness of conflicts that may affect students own lives. Everything from identity, personal interests, the role of international organisations and the media, to personal peer pressure is explored.

The charity has given itself a heavy task. Susan Denton-Brown explains: "We are not happy with the mere distribution of the resource, but want to give teachers, and ultimately students, an insight into conflict transformation, and how to deal with conflict. This is why we decided, right from the start, that our resource should be accompanied with some basic training and reflection for the teachers who want to use the teaching pack."

Dealing with Conflict is an invaluable tool for satisfying government demands for schools to teach community cohesion and mediation skills in their citizenship education programme. The authors have taken time to show how each bit of the pack matches the current needs of the national curriculum (key stages 3- 4).

Finally, there is something for students who strive to discuss and comprehend what they see on TV or read about on the internet regarding Palestine / Israel. The pack is well balanced and resourced and will make a real difference in classrooms across the country.

The next training day for Dealing with Conflict is scheduled for the 3rd of February 2009 at St Ethelburga’s Centre for Reconciliation and Peace in London.

For all questions, bookings or a pack contact

British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al Salam http://www.oasisofpeaceuk.org/

020 8952 4717

daniel.z@oasisofpeaceuk.org

- ENDS -

Notes to editor:

No embargo!

Contacts: XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX information removed for privacy

Daniel Zylbersztajn, Press, PR & Education. Member of NUJ, XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX

Some extracts of Dealing with Conflict and other information can be viewed on www.oasisofpeaceuk.org (select education).
Training and Facilitation

Introduction to the Resources

Details

Samples

The Editors

Further information

1. Who or what is Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam? Wahat-al Salam ~ Neve Shalom

2. 10 Minute Video about Wahat al-Salam ~ Neve Shalom

3. Binational / Bilingual Primary School of Wahat al-Salam

4. First Lessons In Peace
Inspirations of Peace

5. What is the School for Peace? School for Peace

6. Who are British Friends of Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom (Oasis of Peace)?

Oasis of peace

7. General Press: Church Times, Radio Four Midweek (select 21st of May) , BBC World Wide TV (27th May) , BBC World Service (20th May and June 08 Persian Service), Radio Netherland, Daily Telegraph

8. Susan Denton Brown Article (opens pdf)

I want to March for Gaza but can't...

2009-01-07T20:31:00.002Z

Liberal Conspiracy 7th Jan. 2009

I want to march for Gaza, but I can’t

I would like to march against Israel, really. I don’t think that bombing campaigns like the one we currently see are the answer at all. I am appalled by its dead, especially the innocent victims within it.
I am a member of the Left Jewish bundle, and was a long standing supporter of parties such as left wing Israeli Peace party Meretz and organisations like the shared Arab / Jewish village Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom. I have Palestinian and Israeli friends and they expect me to march.
However I will not march in London against the war. The reason is that inspite of my opposition, I feel highly uncomfortable amongst the demonstrating crowd, for it appears somewhat suspect to me. The burning of the Israeli flag as quoted here at end of a London demonstration and the atmosphere of unidirectional violence are just confirming this.

Were I in Tel Aviv, I would instantly join in, but here in Europe other factors are preventing me to go. The problem is that I don’t understand what mobilizes people to march especially and every time it involves the Israeli / Palestinian problem and how the damage and terror imposed onto my Jewish friends in Israel is belittled and marginalised.
There is of course a difference if somebody is terrorised and another is killed, if one side has a hand full of dead and the other 100s, but there seems to be something in the opinion out there that suggests that Hamas somehow was right sending rockets on an almost constant basis (except the fragile ceasefire of a few months before the recent war eruption) onto Israeli towns across the border. Supposedly it is OK because Israel was and still is an occupying or controlling force.
continue.... (leads to external page)

Ed note: I did go on a demonstration two weeks later, convinced of some of the debates in the comment section. However my suspicions were unfortunately reconfirmed on that demonstration, leading to yet another debate on Liberal Conspiracy (here) on the merits of SWP let Peace demos.

Music Concert PR, Wigmore Hall

2008-12-01T22:38:00.000Z

I wrote and cross referenced the text for this event's PR at Wigmore Hall:

Ethnic Now

Neve Shalon ~ Wahat al -Salam workshop

2008-11-04T00:27:00.009Z

This press release and invite was first published by me in Nov. 2008f for the British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam.

Conflict Transformation Workshop in London based on Wahat al Salam ~Neve Shalom

Here are details about two brilliant events in the near future in London. British Friends of Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom have asked me if I could post this on my blog. I gladly oblidge.

واحه السلام

נוה שלום

Oasis of Peace

BRITISH FRIENDS OF

Wahat Al-Salam ~ Neve Shalom

British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al Salam www.oasisofpeaceuk.org
Premier House,112 Station Road,
Edgware, Middx.HA8 7BJ
020.89524717
benita.h@oasisofpeaceuk.org

Title: Applied Methods of the School for Peace in Wahat al Salam / Neve Shalom

Event Type:
Training Day Opportunity for Anyone with an interest in the Middle East, Israel, Palestine, Community Workers, Mediators, and Allied Professions and for anyone likely to deal groups in conflict. Location: London, England, 13th. Nov 2008, 9.30-16.30
We would like to offer the opportunity to gain some exceptional insights in dealing with people in conflict. It is a unique opportunity, which we are only able to offer this due to generous funding from a supporting trust, and hence hope you are just as excited as we are about this.

Details: Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam (The Oasis of Peace): This internationally famous community, where Arab and Jewish families have chosen to live together, works for peace in two crucial ways:

* it is witness to the possibility of peaceful co-operation between the two sides in the conflict, and

* for over thirty years it has run encounter workshops, where members of the Arab and Jewish communities in the region are facing each other, almost always for the first time, to confront the reality of their situation and look for ways forward.

WaSNS is located on the former no-man's land along the pre-1967 armistice line, and infamous site of former war between Jordan and Israel, the grounds of the hills of Latrun monastery. By coincidence, not far from the Israeli Defence Forces tank museum, Jews and Arabs have chosen to live together for now 30 years in an almost polar destination for peace in the region. As far as we know it is the only place lasting that long, that was erected with the intention of the two sides living together.

The institution, School for Peace, set within the village is a renowned and internationally recognized centre of excellence in the transformation of conflict trough encounters between Arabs and Jews. It parallels with other centres in Northern Ireland, South Africa, Bosnia and other high conflict centres world-wide.

In our unique London one-day workshop on the 13th of November 2008, or prearranged at your own institute / organization, we focus on the methods of the School for Peace. We like to pass on some of its core ideas and skills.

This is a unique way of thinking through conflict beyond arbitration, and to consider issues of power, language, religion, ethnicity and general approach to a conflict like the one between Israelis and Palestinians or the ones you may face in your own work.

We also run a series of workshops for teachers for example on the 3rd of February at St Ethelburgas, London, which is more geared towards their needs.

The British Friends of Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al-Salam can also provide training nationwide on requested location.

Susan Denton-Brown our trainer is a former Head of Religious Education from West Sussex (1988-2006). She always had an interest in non-violence and conflict transformation and began to pilot British Friends of WaSNS "Dealing with Conflict" Teacher's Pack eight years ago in her classroom, contributing to its publication in 1999. She later became one of the first British School for Peace trained facilitators. She is also inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent approaches to conflict, and is developing training materials for the Gandhi Foundation UK, as well as working on her own educational resource.

Our aim in the workshops is to provide a good understanding of the processes involved in our specific conflict transformation, as practised by the world renowned mediation centre, The School for Peace (SFP) at Wahat al-Salam ~ Neve Shalom and the experiences and challenges posed here.

Costs:
70 Pounds full rate, 50 Pounds concessions. Includes the book "Palestinian and Israeli Identities in Dialogue." Optional: Dealing with Conflict, A Teaching Resource £20.

The base fees can be topped up with optional further donations to the charity.

Please book well in advance, by emailing or phoning us.

When? 09.30-16.30, 13th of November 2008 - one day
Location: Sion Centre for Dialogue and Encounter
34 Chapstow Villas
W11 2QZ

Bookings and Enquieres Benita Hide
Tel. 020-89524717

We also offer on site training throughout Great Britain on request.

Who is Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al Salam? Wahat-Al Salam ~ Neve Shalom
What is the School for Peace? School for Peace
Who are British Friends of Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom (Oasis of Peace)Oasis of peace
General Press: Church Times, Radio Four Midweek (select 21st of May) , BBC World Wide TV (27th May) , BBC World Service (20th May and June 08 Persian Service), Radio Netherland, Daily Telegraph
Susan Denton Brown Article (opens pdf)
Wahat al Salam in Arabic

Also....

Three faiths poetry evening

2008 is the European Year of Inter-cultural Dialogue. How to celebrate this and make it mean something? Three poets from three different faiths are coming together at St John's Wood Church in the evening of 6 November to perform work - their own and others' - which they feel represents their own interpretation and appreciation of inter-cultural dialogue.

Rana Kabbani, Rabbi Mark Solomon and BH Fraser, the City poet will talk about their poetry choices and read from 1830.

Speaking about why they are taking part in this event, Rabbi Solomon finds that poetry distils the essence of human experience and aspiration, and so hopes that sharing poetry in an interfaith gathering will create a bridge of understanding and profound sympathy which will carry us all to greater knowledge and hope.

Benjie Fraser feels that in times of crisis and uncertainty, there is often a chance to give birth to fresh initiatives. One such venture is this evening of three poets and three faiths to give voice to interfaith dialogue. It is an inspiring and exciting challenge which he hopes will give expression to new projects for how the faiths can work more together in Britain. No one faith has an exclusive hold on anything but many faiths can sometimes sound as one voice.

Rana Kabbani believes the three religious cultures share a love of language and poetry, that their central messages are ones of peace - so sadly unheeded - and that they have more things in common than differences.

Tickets for the event which include refreshments before and after the readings are £20 and the proceeds will go to Neve Shalom - Wahat al-Salam : a village, jointly established by Jewish and Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel engaged in educational work for peace, equality and understanding between the two peoples. http://www.oasisofpeaceuk.org

The evening is also being supported by the European Commission Representation in the UK.

NOTES:

Rana Kabbani is a writer, art critic and broadcaster. Born in Damascus in 1958 to a family of well-known poets (Nizar Kabbani), musicians, dramatists (Abu Khalil al-Kabbani) photographers, jurists (Fawzi al-Ghazzi) and Islamic mystics (Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi), she grew up in New York City and Djakarta. She is the author of Imperial Fictions, a highly-acclaimed critique of Orientalism in travel writing and art. Her second book, Letter to Christendom, was made into a BBC documentary. She has translated into English the poetry of the late Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish, (to whom she was married), published as Sand and Other Poems.

BH Fraser published his first collection City Poems in 2004. He has given recitals in and around the City of London at locations including The Guildhall, Inner Temple, Mansion House and St Stephen Walbrook. He has spoken about his City poems on radio and

television. His work has been published in magazines including PN

Review and Standpoint. New work can be found at www.bhfraser.com

Mark L Solomon was born and educated in Australia. He trained as an orthodox rabbi and received ordination from Jews’ College, London, in 1991. After serving an orthodox congregation, he joined Liberal Judaism in 1992, and in 2000 was appointed Rabbi at The Liberal Jewish Synagogue, St John’s Wood, where he also sings as a cantor. He is ‘foster rabbi’ of the Edinburgh Liberal Jewish Community, and has been lecturer in Talmud at Leo Baeck College since 1992. With a special interest in interfaith dialogue, Rabbi Solomon is Co-Chairman of the London Society of Jews and Christians and a governor of the Ammerdown Centre in Somerset. He is active in Jewish-Muslim dialogue and is a member of the steering group of the Scriptural Reasoning Society, trustee of the Interfaith Alliance UK and the London Ecumenical AIDS Trust.

To book send a cheque over £20 per booking to

Bookings and Enquieres

British Friends of Wahat al-Salam~Neve Shalom
Premier House
112 Station Hse
Edgware
Middlesex HA8 7BJ
Website: www.oasisofpeaceuk.org

London
conflict resolution
conflict transformation
Arabs and Jews
coexistence
interfaith
Israel and palestine
Palestine and Israel
Wahat al Salam
Neve Shalom
British Friends of Wahat al Salam ~ Neve Shalom

Article in Rider Magazine Spring Feb/Mar 2008 (Issue 37)

2008-08-30T21:33:00.003+01:00

In this three page feature I am going through point by point the environmental issues regarding motorcycling, including
1.) the fact that bikes are still left out in the race to reduce emissions (unlike cars) even though they are in general far less polluting than the majority of all cars, and even though more energy efficient bikes could be manufactured today (power is still most important factor)
2.) the fact that modified exhausts on bikes are too common and create too much noise
3.) the safety of riding, and the training of riders
4.) the culture of riding on the country-side and issues regarding nature and wild-life
5.) issues regarding leathers
6.) Ethical manufacture of bikes (union rights, production)
7.) Combustion engine vs. new technologies
8.) Scooter vs. motorbikes

The article cause a furore (as expected), but in the end riders who wrote in and were published in the letters to the editor sections in the follow up magazines were divided, with half of them agreeing with me and the other half thinking I am not getting it. Not the least it is important to state, I do ride a Triumph to help me getting trough London. But this fact does not mean that I do not use the public transport system, my bicycle, walk and occasionally a car from my local car sharing schema.

Thanks to Andy of RPB Limited for receiving the feature, and arranging proof reading and art work!

2008-07-07T17:06:00.000+01:00

2011 - BBC Radio Four Documentaries - Central London outreach work -

PR campaign May 2008 Sama Daoud Neriya Mark

2008-05-01T22:54:00.001+01:00

Results
The Churchtimes
BBC radio4

exctracts:

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
British Friends of Neve Shalom~Wahat al Salam PRESS INVITATION FOR FEATURE ABOUT SAMA DAOUD AND NERIYA MARK, MAY 2008Tel: +44(0)20 8952 4717 Fax: +44(0)20 8952 1689 E.mail: britfriends@btconnect.com
www.oasisofpeaceuk.org
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

No Embargo - For immediate Release

18th. March 2008

please circulate
                    Summary:

Event:        A Palestinian Arab and Israeli Jew who grew up together.
                   Introducing Neriya Mark and Sama Daoud, chaired by Judah Passow
Organizer: British Friends of Neve Shalom~Wahat Al Salam (NSWAS)
Date:         Tuesday 20th of May 2008, 18.30
Location: Bloomsbury Room, Hotel Russell Russell Square London WC1B 8BE
Contact:     020-89521717, british.friends@nswas.org;

Dear xxxx

I am writing to you as we have something unique coming up. The last weeks were once again where Israelis and Palestinians were in the news for the politics that divide them, costing numerous human lives. One would expect more bloody acts of revenge into this cycle of never ending violence.
If I tell you that I know of 54 families - half of them Arab Palestinian, Muslim and Christian, the other half Jewish - permanently engaged in a process of proving every doubter and pessimist wrong by living together through choice, you may think I am telling you a fairy tale about some lefty weirdos. Yet in Wahat al Salam ~Neve Shalom, along the old neutral armistice border between Israel and Jordan (now part of Israel), living together confidently as Jews and Arabs, side by side, this is every day reality. And what's more with their experience, the residents have invited people from the surrounding areas. There are now people both from the Occupied Palestinian Territories as well as from inside Israel visiting the village nearly every day for meetings of dialogue in what the residents call the School for Peace, or children who attend the multi-faith, multi-language, multi-ethnic primary school. Not just since a year or so. The village has been in existence for over 30 years.

If you want to know about what the future really holds, you had better get to know Neve Shalom~Wahat al Salam.

The British Friends of Wahat al-Salam ~ Neve Shalom...(continues)

PR results in BBC WS Interview

2007-01-01T22:49:00.000Z

This is a copy of a sent out press release after I assured an interview spot on BBC Worldservice for Neve Shalom ~ Wahat al Salam:

--------------------

Audio Link: Israeli Palestinian Peace is Possible at Neve Shalom / Wahat al Salam

After having spoken at Amnesty International, UCL and other locations,
Noam and Ranin can now be listened to on the BBC.

The BBC World-service has today broadcasted a feature interview on their News Report. I am not sure for how long it will be online, but from today, until it disappears you can hear Noam and Ranin discussing what Neve Shalom / Wahat al Salam means to them on BBC.

BBC Audio Link (click here for direct connection)
I can not guarantee this link will be life for very long as it tends to change with the changing of the edition, but for now you can definitely hear it!
---

Neve Shalom - Wahat al-Salam is a village in Israel where Israeli Jews and Arabs live together as a community.
This event is a rare opportunity to hear from two of the residents of this unique community. BBC Middle East correspondent Richard Miron will chair a discussion with two young women from the village, Ranin Boulos, a Christian Palestinian and Noam Shuster , a Jewish Israeli . There will be a opportunity to ask questions and take part in the discussions that follow.
Background
Founded in the early 1970s, the village has become a role model, proving that peace between Jewish and Arab citizens of Israel is possible. Many of the 200 children attending the village nursery and primary schools now come from nearby Arab and Jewish towns and villages, whilst the School for Peace brings together Jewish and Arab Israeli teenagers, who in the normal way of life have no opportunity to meet. Since 1979, over 20,000 young people have experienced the powerful impact of being part of a residential Encounter Group at the village, learning to see their conflict from 'the other' point of view, and becoming 'friends' while doing so. Many have gone on to work for human rights and peace.

TagsLondon Camden Finsbury Neve Shalom Israel Palestine

Fund Raising Appeal, Germany for Mend Palestine.

2006-12-07T23:46:00.004Z

This was translated and posted by me, modified and introduced for teh German market, on behalf of MEND, Palestine in December 2006 to a variety of German recipients I had researched as relevant to MEND's interests. MEND is a non violence Peace charity for Palestinians.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Bitte helfen Sie eine Ausbreitung der Gewalt im Mittleren Osten zu verhindern

Spenden Sie noch heute an MEND zur Unterstützung erfolgreicher und aktiver Gewaltablehnung

Bitte zirkulieren Sie diesen Appell! Danke

Liebe Freunde im deutschsprachigen Raum,
Ich schreibe in der Zeit der fröhlichen Festlichkeiten, voller Freundschaft und Hoffnung, welche aber zugleich voller Gefahren einer massiven Gewaltausbreitung unter Palästinensern bedeutet, wie zur Zeit weit in der Presse berichtet wurde.

Als einzige regionale Organisation, die gezielt Gewaltablehnung unterrichtet, arbeitet Mend deshalb umso verstärkter, um die Mittel, wie Gewalt überwunden werden kann, weiterzugeben. Auf Grund der Ereignisse der vergangen Wochen findet eine Ausbreitung unserer Kampagne “Smarter Without Violence (Schlauer ohne Gewalt)“ statt.

Erst vor Kurzem zog Mend in neue Büroräume nach Beit Hanina in Jerusalem. Weiterhin und überall in der Region konfrontieren unsere Mitglieder („menders“) auf allen Ebenen der Palästinensischen Gesellschaft die Lust zur Gewalt. Zusätzlich zu unseren Tätigkeiten auf der Lokalebene, haben wir jetzt auch ein Rundschreiben. Wir sind im Endstadium der Planung einer Serie von Radiodiskussionen, die über Gewaltlosigkeit geht und speziell für Palästinensische Jugendliche gemacht wurde,. Wir befinden uns ebenfalls kurz vor dem Herausbringen eines Films über die sehr erfolgreichen Gewalt konfrontierenden Sommerlager (2006).

Einige unserer Gruppen begannen ein spezielles Aktionsprogramm in ihren Schulen, in denen sie sich gegen den erneuten Ausbruch der Gewalt zwischen Palästinensern aussprachen, vor allem weil Kinder unter den Opfern zählten. Ebenfalls im Publikationstadium ist unser Schulplan zur Toleranz und Gewaltfreiheit

Auf einer Konferenz in Aman befand sich MEND an der Vorfront zur Gründung eines Arabischsprachigen Netzwerkes zur Gewaltverhinderung. MEND, repräsentiert durch vier Mitarbeiter und organisatorischen Verwalter überzeugte als erfahrenste Organisation in diesem Gebiet, und leitete Seminare, Unterrichtsstunden, Pressearbeit und Kontaktaufnahme. Unsere Repräsentation dort wurde sehr positiv aufgewertet. Weitere Informationen dazu finden Sie auf unserer Website www.menonline.org (auf Englisch).

Die Ereignisse der letzten Wochen, sowie unsere so essentielle Arbeit, machen unseren diesjährigen Spendenaufruf umso wichtiger. Für uns Alle ist es unumgehlich die Arbeitziele in Gewaltpreventation, die wir uns gesetzt haben, zu erreichen. Und da wir uns auch in einem regionalen finanziellen Notstand befinden, von dem bis dato kein Ende in Sicht ist, brauchen wir Ihre weitergehende Unterstützung.

Ich wünsche Ihnen das Beste diese Weihnachten und für das Neue Jahr , sowie eine erhohlsame WInterpause an alle auch an die die nicht Weihnachten feiern,

Mit freundlichen Grüssen

Lucy Nusseibeh

Direktor

MEND (Palästinensische Vertretung)
E-Mail: mend.lucy@gmail.com
MEND Central Office

P.O. Box 66558 , Beit Hanina, East Jerusalem
Telephone: 972.2.656.7310/2988
Fax: 972.2.656.7311

Appell der Gewaltfreiheit

“Weil all das hier in unserer Region passiert, ins besondere im Irak, Libanon und in den Gebieten der Palästinänischen Verwaltung, das Töten von Frauen, Kindern, alten Menschen und die Ermordung von Wissenschaftlern, wichtigen Denkern, sowie der Störung von Glaubensanhängigen in den Orten ihres Gottesdienstes, umso verantwortlicher und umso verstärkter sind wir bereit den Phänomenen ein Ende zu bereiten, welche solche Gefahren für unsere Zukunft und die unserer Kinder bergen, für deren Sicherheit und Verwirklichungsmöglichkeiten. In diesem Sinne verurteilen wir und weisen von uns zu stärkst ab, alles das was Menschen unternehmen im Sinne organisierter Menschenmassakrierung, und wir wenden uns an alle Parteien, so dass sie sofort ihre Gewaltaktionen beenden, und statt dessen an Dialogen teilhaben, und sich mit ethischer Verantwortung und Weisheit ausdrücken, damit die Spannunggrade und schlimmen Abweichungen ein Ende finden können. Wir wenden uns ebenfalls an alle lokalen und internationalen Gruppen und Organisationen, dass sie Druck in solcher weise auszuüben, damit Gewalt sofort enden kann, und damit auch die Besatzung(*) in allen ihren Formen ein Ende findet.

Wir akzeptieren die Verantwortung eine bessere Zukunft anzustreben, und, von Dunkelheit bedroht, heben unsere unsere Kerzen hoch: für die Kinder die Leben noch nicht kennen, für die junge Frau in Vorbereitung ihrer Hochzeit, für die Witwe die auf den Universitätenabschluss ihres einzigen Sohnes wartet, für den alten Immigranten, der in seinem eigenem Land(*) begraben werden möchte. Für alle die werden wir weiterhin geben.

Falls Sie eine Möglichkeit haben MEND’s lebensnotwendige Arbeit zu unterstützen bitte spenden sie online unter www.mend-uk.org oder www.mendonline.org Sie können aber auch Schecks an MEND UK, Post Box 51752, England, oder

direkt an MEND; P.O.BOX 66558, East Jerusalem
sowie Bank Details: The Arab Bank, Al-Ram Barnch
(861), Palestine, A/C 9110-460500/4-511. Swift Code: ARABPS22110

schicken.

* dies ist im Zusammenhang von den 50 Mitgliedern aus verschiedenen Laendern die dies in Aman beschlossen haben, zu verstehen und betrifft u.a. Irak, Westbank und Libanon...

Road Skills - Not Road Kills in Progression (June 2006)

2006-06-01T22:31:00.003+01:00

An article about responsible motorbike riding, published first in this club paper of East London Advanced Motorists. A fuller more polished version appeared later in the national magazine RIDE.

Road Skills - Not Road Kills

Ideokinesis for Improved Teaching and Enforcement of Pilates.

2004-11-05T21:41:00.002Z

Once again I think the distance to the project allows for open access. My 2004 MSc. Dissertation on Imagery Use in Pilates Instruction. (pdf)

Older Deutsche Welle Works

2004-08-29T23:43:00.003+01:00

Most of my features from Deutsche Welle - English Service, all produced in London are not uploaded here yet. I simply did not have the time to transfer the old Minidisk recordings into digital yet.

However some of the feats I produced and which were broadcasted were:

Spooky London. An exploration of Ghost and Horror Stories from London.
Banger Racing in London
Beer Testing. Hofbräuhaus vs London Hoxton Brewery. Recorded on Location
Mobo Awards. Are they really necessary?
Model Making. Pastime for the Nerd or the Genius?
The Dybuk a Jewish Story with African American relevance.
African Refugee and Olympic Hope, Ethiopian long distance runners in the UK
HIV and Ugandan. Stigmatised with HIV+ in London

Daniel Z. Sept 2011

Research Assistant in Education Studies

2002-03-03T22:33:00.024Z

I worked for Prof.. Sally Inman over three years. Thereafter there was an offer from another professor in the department to hire me, which I declined at the time due to other opportunities arising. The ATL (Association of Teachers and Lecturers) project carried out at Goldsmiths College (lin its ater stages moving to South Bank University) was the main area of my work. One part of the study remained unpublished, which incorporated research on international examples, that I had carried out already. See acknowledgements

School Councils as apprenticeships for democracy

Imperialism, Race and Resistance: Africa & Britain - Book Review 2001

2001-12-05T00:51:00.002Z

A book review from 2001, for purposes of scope of interest.

This review appeared in the BASA (Black and Asian Studies Association) Newsletter 29, January 2001

Race and Resistance (2001)

Migrant Athletes

2001-11-16T00:30:00.000Z

Migrant Athletes and Footballers in Britain

Deutsche Welle Radio, Cologne English Programs, Cool

April 2000

Featuring:

Birhan Dagne, 21, cross country runner from Ethiopia (world list rank 5, 1996)

Nikam Uka, 19, football-player from Kosovo ex FC Partisan Tirana

Ahmed Brkowitz, 25 football-player from Croatia,

Josephus Thomas, 26, sprinter originally from Sierra Leone, rank 2 European Championship 2000

Duration 5’57’ (without music) [up to 7’07 with music]

IN: Britain is perhaps

OUT: this is Daniel Zylbersztajn for Cool

Copy Righted Material:

Shlomo Gronich and the Sheba Choir: Motherless Child, ACUM 15615, Israel, 1995

All special sound effects are taken from: NOISES OFF! EMORIO EMPRCD 813

INTRO

Maybe you are one of the young people around the world who is dreaming of a sports career in countries like for example America, France, Germany or Britain. You are quite successful in your sport and somehow you feel your chances of building on your talents seem limited, because you are not being promoted enough or do not have enough sport facilities in the country in which you live. Abroad, it seems, are unlimited possibilities in terms of access to facilities and equipment and one can actually make a living of sport, rather than to live and also do sport. Daniel Zylbersztajn talked to some migrant athletes and footballers who have moved to Great Britain, to see how it is for them in Britain and what advise they had for you.

Britain is perhaps an exception in terms of integration of athletes and sports people who are originally from elsewhere. Countries like France and America especially have been known to openly recruit young successful athletes and footballers from overseas, and integrate them into their national teams. When I started looking in Britain however, I found a very different story. Most people here came on their own devices, be it as refugees because of terrible circumstances back home, or simply to study.

Brihan Dagne is a cross runner from Ethiopia. Four years ago, when she was 17 she decided to seek asylum, on a stay in Britain with the Ethiopian running team.

“My name is Birhan Dagne, I run now for Great Britain, because I have Problem in Ethiopia! My aim is to run for Great Britain Olympic. I came to Britain straight, and no back home! It was big problem for my life!”

This problem was not sport related but, because her older brother was a person the new government of Ethiopia considered hostile for political reasons. Similarly Niam Uka had to leave his native region Kosovo, one and a half years ago, due to the terrible things that were happening at the time to the Kosovo Albanians. His life too would have been, at risk had he stayed there. Niam now plays soccer as a mid-field player at the London, third league football club Leyton Oriental.

“My name is Niam Uka, I am from Ex-Yugoslavia, Kosovo. I am nineteen years old. I played with Partisan Tirana, and after the trouble comes in Yugoslavia, I decided immigration and I find myself here.

So was it easy for Niam to integrated into a new country, and football team?

“You have to learn everything new, you know, to adopt with game, with English people. Everything was strange for me. Sometimes I didn’t understand them. I got to do again, ask again, yes! But now it gets better!”

Ahmed Berkowitz from Croatia who also plays for Leyton Orient since about a year, and who came to Britain because his wife is English, was more critical:

First time when I have come, probably I was competition for other players, because I come from foreign country. These guys here from England they don’t like it, cause you gonna take him the place, in a team. I know friends, I have lots of friends here, We go out sometimes have a drink. Last ten games we have been doing very good, me I scored 10 goals, so they are really pleased with me.

[noise of football crowd]

Well we can hear Ahmed’s fans are quite happy about him.

But success does not come that easy in a new country. Birhan Dagne says that it was difficult to adapt to the differences in training:

In Ethiopia, when you have race in the world cross or world track, or like Olympic, we are training the same, top runner or small runner there is no difference and here you are training alone!

[sound of running]

And off she went. Ahmed Berkowitz, however sees good and bad sides about football for him and his new training conditions:

In Croatia I always used to have two trainings a day, but here in England you only have in the morning training! But the hardest football is here! In Croatia you can stop at a ball, you have more time, but here you have to play very simple and very quick! I see my future in Britain, cause I am used now to British football.

Brihan Dagne had something else to say, you should know about training in Britain, as if you wouldn’t know yet:

The weather as well. All the time in Europe, the whole day it’s raining and very cold, you can not go training that time!

But it are precisely the weather in Britain that seem to please Josephus Thomas. Josephus is a sprinter originally from Sierra Leone, who made it second in the Birmingham European Championships.

It’s very difficult to train in Africa, because you don’t have all the facilities. The weather is very hot! All the hard work which is supposed to be in a bit cooler weather. Successful athletes or sports people from Sierra Leone are all overseas training.

Although there has been a bloody war in Sierra Leone, Josephus came in fact to Britain to study, whilst also building on his sport talents.

So what kind of advice do these sports people have for those of you, who are still dreaming of making it overseas? Ahmed Berkowitz:

I give advise that when they come, they must be calm, relaxed. Cause I was, when I first came, I was a little bit nervous. If you don’t work hard you not gonna play alright!”

Josephus Thomas the sprinter, reiterates that you can in deed make it, whilst remaining where you are, but there are some basic rules you have to follow:

“Never give up. Very disciplined, train very, very hard, I was running pretty fast in Sierra Leone at the age of 17.

Whilst all the athletes appreciate the improved facilities in Britain, eventually making in a new and unfamiliar country , means that you also have to tackle something that can be quite a big problem: homesickness. Whilst Josephus assured me that he only missed his parents sometimes, Niam told me that one day he wanted to return home to help building up Kosovo. And Brihane warned:

“When you left you miss own country, family, everything!”

So if you have to leave due to political problems, due to family reasons, to study, or for whatever reason, remember that, although if you keep up the hard work, your sport skills are staying with you, , the geographical and cultural differences, and the longing for those who used to be around you, are real issues, you will have to get a grip on, once you are far away from home.

This feature was broadcasted in 2001 on Deutsche Welle
transcript below - all rights reserved!

From London, this is Daniel Zylbersztajn for Cool

Considerations on Participation of Jewish Orthodox People in Sports (2001)

2001-11-05T00:34:00.002Z

All Rights Reserved 2001/2010

Years after writing and researching this it appears to me that it is OK to reveal some of my academic works, to share knowledge and show my interests.

This paper discusses Orthodox Jewish sport in a general and in a local context.

Considerations on Participation of Jewish Orthodox People in Sport (M.Sc. Sport Coaching Paper 2001)

Press Release for Music Event

2001-02-07T23:37:00.003Z

This is an emailed copy of a press release for Yiddish Ballads sent in February 2007, added to this were two pictures provided by the artist.

"Penniless, ill, and consumed by the fate of his relatives...
Manger went on to publish three volumes of Yiddish poetry
and plays in London...prince among poets, he was dishevelled,
gaunt, and usually had plenty of whisky inside him."

David Mazower in forthcoming Jewish Chronicle 18th Feb 2007

Dear XXXXXXI am posting you the press release of the Yiddish Ballads gig next Monday.

Helen decided to release PR only to selected trusted contacts and she counts you
amongst that small number. I am sending you all details. Further I will post you, or personally
deliver a CD to you on Thursday, or at the latest on Friday. If there is a specific address
you wish this to be posted to rather than,

BBC Radio Three
Broadcasting House

please contact me immediately on dz.research@yahoo.co.uk if you need a different address!

Until you get your CD you will be able to hear samples on website www.itzikmanger.com
click on Text& Music

Please note that any questions you may have should go to h.beer@ucl.ac.uk
or/and info@livnat-brothers.com

'YIDDISH BALLADS AND SONGS OF THE HEART'
CONCERT ONE NIGHT ONLY!!! MONDAY 19TH FEBRUARY, 2007

Bloomsbury Theatre, Gordon St. 7.30pm (nearest underground Euston Station)
Tickets available from The Bloomsbury, Enquiries 0207 388 8822
Tickets £17.50, £15, £12.50 (concessions), £10 (UCL) www.thebloomsbury.com

A mid-winter Yiddish experience to warm the soul.
With Israeli jazz musicians ARIK and AVIV LIVNAT and HELEN BEER
(Lecturer in Yiddish, UCL) plus GUESTS.

A fresh sound for the 21st century - folk melodies embedded in light jazz.
New musical settings to the ballads of Yiddish poet Itzik Manger.
Known and little-known Yiddish songs.

Aviv Livnat: guitar, vocals
Helen Beer: vocals
Arik Livnat: reeds, flutes, shofar
for more info visit the new CD site at:

http://www.itzikmanger.com
About the Livnat brothers at:

http://www.livnat-brothers.com

contact: info@livnat-brothers.com

OTHER RESOURCES:

1.) www.itzikmanger.com
2.) Itzik Manger's entry on Museum of the Jewish People Website, Tel Aviv
3.) Itzik Manger on Yiddish Music Hall of Fame
4.) Itizik Manger entry on Wikipedia
5.) Recommended: Article by David Mazower in forthcoming Jewish Chronicle 18 Feb. 07

P.R. provided with assistance of Daniel D. Z. Zylbersztajn, Tel. 44.20.72093522 Email: dz.research@yahoo.co.uk

Queen Feature Deuteche Welle

2000-11-16T01:04:00.001Z

Queen Feature for Cool

Originally broadcasted in 2000 - full transcript follows - all rights reserved

INTRO:
Do you have a King or a Queen in your country? If you are listening from an English speaking country, chances are that the royal family of Great Britain was once the head of your country, or that the Queen still is your country’s head. Queen Elizabeth the Second is not only the representative head of various Commonwealth countries but also of is the head of the Church of England. All this makes her sound like a very powerful woman. Daniel Zylbersztajn went to investigate what young people in England had to say about her:

[anthem music only god safe the queen 20’’ ]

Vox Pops:

VP1 “She is gorgeous”
VP2: “ I think she makes a fairly good head of state!”
VP3: “She rules!”
VP4: “She should get a job and stop taking the tax payers money!”
VP5: “Well she is not as beautiful as our president!”
VP6: Maybe she is old, but she is cool!

[Daniel] Many ways to describe this one person her majesty the Queen Elizabeth the second, who has been Queen now for almost fifty years assuming official duties when she was only 16 years old. The Queen doesn’t only own expensive crowns kept for her in the Tower of London, she may be the richest woman in the world, owning over five billion pounds sterling. She can summon and dissolve the British parliament and is also the supreme legal power in the country. Post-boxes and coins in Britain bear her emblem or picture. But not everyone gets the honour to meet her. It are mostly distinguished and honourable persons that get to meet her. Cynthia and Mathew from Cornwall in England are two persons who met her recently. Both of them study for their A-Levels at the moment. Both of them were winners of an essay competition on the Second World War, and their first price was to meet the Queen. What better people than them, to give you a first impression of what the Queen is like.

[Cynthia] “Good Afternoon your majesty! I had to courtesy when I met her, and refer to her as your majesty!
[Matthew] You have to shake hands and say Good Afternoon Ma.
[Cynthia] When we met her she wasn’t as scary really as we thought, I don’t think!
[Matthew]She is really nice and not what you’d expect. She was really normal. She is only small as well, she is only about five-foot tall.

[Daniel] Only five foot? I always though she must be of gigantic measures, judging her powers. I asked Cynthia and Mathew what they felt the Queen was all about:

[Cynthia] The royal family serve a big purpose. They stand for Britain, without standing for politics. And they, you know, even though , the Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh are really quite old now, they continue to work all the time, representing the country at some many things.
[Matthew] They are definitely a role model for everyone in England and the world really! Because everyone should aim to be like them!
[Cynthia] I don’t think that the royal family are role models for the rest of us. I think it is too much of a burden to be place on one family! But the mannerism and the behaviour of the Queen and of the Duke of Edinburgh, of the royal family, are different to em, for example leading politicians in the country.

So there you are. Well most politicians do not rule for 50 years, so of course the Queen would have a very distinguished and settled routine. For most people the Queen is still only something they see on their TV, or maybe on a post-card. Opposite Buckingham Palace, the large London residence of the Queen, there are many shops where you can buy items that de-picture the Queen Mr. Barzu is the store-owner of one these shops:

[Mr. Barzu]:
The most popular items that we sell, related to her majesty the Queen are:
Postcards, trays and mugs celebrating the golden wedding anniversary, also coronation, these items are very popular with people from abroad, especially the Germans, Australians and the Americans and the students from schools. We often see her majesty the queen driving past. Once I waved and I was greeted with a smile and I thought it was very encouraging!

Mr Barzu must have been on cloud nine for an entire week. I think he should always wear a sticker or T-shirt saying: I was smiled to by the Queen!

The Queen in Britain is still as popular as ever. In fact she has recently revamped her image and skills and even tried to understand how computers work, which is more than for many people over the age of seventy, although she is apparently not on e-mail as yet.

For Cool I am Daniel Zylbersztajn from London, leaving you with some more impressions of people on the streets of London when I asked them about the Queen:

[anthem music only god safe the queen 5’’ ]

accompanied by
Voice 1, male: God save our gracious Queen!
Voice 2, male, long live our noble Queen!
Voice 3, female: God Save the Queen

At 17” anthem Vox pops set in

VP1: She is a drag queen!
VP2: She is not the real Queen. They’re fake, they’re not the real kings and queens on this planet, she is just sitting on fortunes that are not hers
VP3: Ah, she is all right! Wears awful cloths though. She needs to get back to the sixties, when she used to wear shorter skirts, I think!

[Anthem finishes] male voice: God Save the Queen!

Spooky London

2000-11-16T00:47:00.000Z

This prg was broadcasted in 2000 on DW - full transcript follows - all rights reserved !

Erika: Are you scared of Ghosts?

Anke; Why?

Erika: We have a very frightening report coming up, and I need someone to grap hold onto..

Anke Come-on, there are n-no ghosts.

Erika: Well I am not so sure, have a listen to this, sent to us per bat-post from our correspondent Daniel Zylbersztajn in London. Anke – I am scared…

…………………….

Be afraid, be very afraid: London has had a bloody and dreadful past, but in these bitter arctic winter days the latest definitely cool thing – and I mean freezing cool – is to walk into London’s past to find out that the city was much worse in the bygone centuries. There are various places where this past is in on exhibit, such as Torture Chamber of the Tower of London, The House of Detention, which is a former prison, and the London Dungeon, a ghastly museum of London’s most shocking events and characters. I consulted Declan Mc Hugh, a local historian and actor who runs the “Blood and Tears Walk”, to learn more. On a grim ice-cold and rainy winter night, he walked me to some of the many fearful places, and bravely I followed…:

[sound of burning] Here we are at Smithfield’s. People were burned alive here! Some of you know Henry the eight. He had a habit of inflicting some cruel executions on people. Fore example there was a cook called Richard Rose and he made a meal which killed 17 people. Now this might have been an accident – he was taken here, he was put into a large metal pot, big enough to contain a man. Filled with oil, lid a match underneath the pot, and two ours later he was boiled to death. That was he punishment for poisoning people. [sound of bubbling pot and bell from London Dungeon]

My guide wasn’t sure, if the unfortunate cook, and people like him, were later consumed by these hungry spectators, but maybe King Henry himself had the cook for dinner, with some pepper and Worchester Sauce. I don’t even want to consider what he did with his wives he had decapitated…

What makes events like this worse was the fact that masses of people of the day and age understood these sinister executions as a rather entertaining event to laugh and funny about. Sometimes so many curious people attended the executions, that the death-toll amongst the spectators could at times exceed the number of people officially executed, because there could be unfortunate onlookers who fainted or got crushed inside the pushing crowds. Such disgusting entertainment-shows, were very normal even only 150 years ago, yet I believe that if we had we similar events today, I am sure such executions would rather get masses of human rights campaigners onto the streets.

The next location that Declan showed me, was a Church, but it wasn’t just “a” Church:

Right, we are here at the Church of the Holy Sceptical . It has an amazing bell in a glass case, called the Execution bell. A man was paid to go with the bell in a passage way under our feet, across the road to where the Old Bailey is, the central criminal court, because that was the sight of Newgate Prison. The man was paid to ring his bell outside the cell, where the prisoners were waiting to be executed. Sunday 12 O’ clock Midnight all of a sudden these people would her a voice saying this:

Watch and pray! [ continues illustrated in a gruesome way]

The Hour is drawing near

That you before the Almighty

must appear!

All you that in the Condemned Hall do lie

Prepare You

For Tomorrow you shall die!

We then followed the secret path down to the old prison and court. Before the 18th century there seemed to have been terrifying methods to get an arrested person to confess:

“We’re standing in front of the Central Criminal Court, the Old Bailey, but this was also Newgate Prison. It was a very terrible place to be. It was a grim dark dungeon. They had in here he press yard. The right for silence when you are arrested for something did not exist until 1722, before hat time you had to be heard to say whether you were guilty or not guilty so the trial could begin. Now if you didn’t say anything, they took you here to the press yard. They basically put increasing amounts weight on your body, until you said, guilty, not guilty, or you died. [sound effects with scream]

Now I was ready for a deeper understanding of the past, so I entered the London Dungeon voluntarily and paid for it on top. This is a strange place were today’s version of death fascinated spectators cues up to learn and be shocked by the way some very unfortunate people lost their lives through some exceptionally brutal and murderous persons. A gruesome tall man, with a large knife at the entrance, recommended that I’d go and see the Jack the Ripper Tour. Before I left him he warned me that I’d be aware of some of the visitors. He said, from time to time they had some weirdoes in the dungeon, like people who claim to be vampires and so, which then have to be removed by the police. Almost falling over some blood tainted wax-corpses on the way to the Jack the Ripper Tour, in this hellish dim dungeon, I was back in the 19th century with the history group of a secondary school, who apparently studied Crime and Punishment:

Whitechapel the East end of London, November 1888. Over a period of ten weeks, it did manage Jack the Ripper to murder five prostitutes. After the fifth victim on the 9th of November he was never heart from again. Down in front of you we have the first victim, whose name was Mary Ann Nichols, also known amongst her friends as Pretty Polly [fading out]

I wasn’t feeling very comfortable, so I asked, if the people around me felt likewise and if they were scared:

Are you scared? Boy: Not really, not at the moment!

[Girl screaming in the background]

No!. [scared] No

Somehow, I had a feeling these people were just trying to be nice to me, . but I assumed they were too embarrassed to admit, that really they were frightened to the bone … and the show continued…

Voice: The slaughter of 5 prostitutes, all within a mile of each other. Spreads fear and anger through Whitechapel. Everyone wants to know, who is Jack the Ripper?

[Screams!]

Are you scared? Boy: I did jump!

Girl: It’s really scary, yeah I screamed, won’t come again! Too scary for me!

Girl2: It was scary! And it portrayed a good picture of how it was these many 100 years ago!

Anke: And this was the last we heart of Daniel Zylbersztajn who sent us this report from London! No, only joking. …

banger racing

2000-11-16T00:43:00.000Z

This feature was broadcasted on DW in 2000. All rights reserved!

Open INTRO for Anke and Erika

“This is a part man they called it, made in America about 1916 – a hit and miss engine: when the exhaust pipe opens the pressure in the cylinder comes out with a bang. I had it about six years, but it took me about two years on and off to build it. I liked them when I was a boy and I could not afford a real one, you know, so I made myself a model….”

Does not sound like the most technologically advanced engine, does it? But that doesn’t matter to Tony. He had to wait until the age of 70 until he finally realised his childhood ambition.

Anthony, originally born in Ghana explains how the mania of building small models can hit you:

“You spend more money on the toys than on your own self! And my younger son is also just following me. He is only four. It’s a passion! I am an engineer by trade. It’s a passion, you get into it and you just can’t stop! I would prefer staying at home and work with my toys, rather than going out drinking, (Laughing) Staying at home is the negative aspect of it, the positive side is, enhancing your, knowledge!”

I am not sure, Dear Anthony, if drinking is the only alternative to constructing tint toys, don’t you agree? What’s wrong with cycling, walking, visiting friends et cetera? But hold your breath there is more about obsessive model and toy making life-style to come:

Did you have or do you still have a model-train at home. Here is a train-admirer I met, who as he says, loves steam engine trains:

“The main interest with me is steam, I do like modern traction but the steam engine is just something else. It’ almost human! You fill it up with coal and water, get it to go, and it almost reacts humanly! Beautiful creature and it smells nice as well!”

- Noise of model train -

The sounds of a model steam train. But if you thought that building models stops at these harmless builders listen to this:

“Prepare to open fire!” - gun shooting –

Some model builders build their models to reinact historical wars on a small scale. Here is one of them:

“I am Steve Bullock and I am a member of the surface warship association. I suppose as a young lad you are always interested in power and war, aren’t you? All young kids are? So yeah that’s how it started!

Well, to be honest I have never been a fan of wars and I am not sure our listeners are. But what has Steve been actually building?

“ This is HMS Fearless! It’s a model – can float around radiocontrolled. The rotors turn on one of the helicopters and also the radars turn as well, and there is some lights on it.”

Building this model ship of about one meter length took Steve three years, most probably to be destroyed in one of the miniature sea wars, by another miniature destroyer, so it does not come as a surprise what Steve tells us about his daughter.

“My daughter she doesn’t understand it. She thinks I am mad!”

Dear daughter of Steve Bullock, you got all the symphaties of the cool team!

The girl-friend of a guy who is into model racing had this to report:

“I am Karli, my boy-friend is into model-racing: Karl Marsten. Good sides? He really enjoys it he gets a good thrill from it. Negative sides? All the time, that it takes it with it: It’s all work and no play!”

So you may think that one worried model fanatic might recognise signs of warning and spend more time with his girl friend, but that’s the last thing David Spashee has on his mind. He is world champion in three classes of model-car racing:

“For the last three and a half months I have not been at home. So I have been travelling to Japan America, Germany, and I get to go home Monday.” “Do you have a girl-friend?” “Yes!” “What does she say?” She is not happy!. Well 2 ½ months is a long time to be away!

I guess David has some healing apologies to do when he finally returns home with his model motor racing car under his arm.

Some these people are so crazy, that if father and son combine forces in building – there have been stories where mum packs her bags and leaves the two by themselves. This is what happened to this pair:

“Bryan Rumble” “Erol Rumble” “Getting rid of the wife was definitely a bonus she used to tidy up right after us all the time. Now that we are on our own: you can leave the tools out – nobody worries I could not spend time like here on the shows, if she was in the house. There is no way she would have allowed us to be here this week. Doing this, and the hours actually spent making the stand ready for the show I couldn’t have taken the time off when she was around, now I leave the house work for a couple of days, it doesn’t worry us, does it? “ “No!”

Is this a father of your dreams or father of a nightmare – I don’t know but, I am sure you too have seconds thoughts now listening about Marc Smith telling me about his remote control truck.

I have got a monster truck! It’s a grave digger! It jumps and that. I take it to a local track, so I play about with it there really! I’ve had it for a bout a year now!”

Will he end up like he Bryan Rumble and his son one day I wonder?

Well Marc be careful or else the remote will take control of you.

From London for Cool, this is Daniel Zylbersztajn

Mobo Awards 2000

2000-11-16T00:22:00.003Z

This feature was broadcasted in 2000 on DW - transcript follows

all rights reserved

At the beginning of October, London hosted the MOBO awards, MOBO standing for Music of Black Origin. It is important to consider MOBO within Europe’s and North America’s history. “Black music” supposedly means by people with a black skin colour. For years, many black artists were pushed behind. Their songs were often copied by white performers to satisfy audiences, alienated by blacks. In the eighties and nineties, attempts to label music were made, to try to correct, decades of exclusion.

MOBO supporters hold the view that the drum was invented in Africa –as most music has a drum based rhythm - most music is held to be black. But why be specific here, if, most likely, the totality of humanity originated in Africa? Different folk traditions made use of drums –not always due to an African migration.

So. can music be separated into black and white? Kanya King is one of the founders and main driving forces behind MOBO, which this years saw fames like Lauryn Hill, and Armand van Helden, both of darker complexion, and Fat Boy Slim and Emi-nem, on the lighter side of shades. With her I discussed the meaning and history of MOBO:

Kanya King: “The MOBO award was founded through award and celebrity artists involved in the broad spectrum of music of black origin and that encompasses Hip Hop R&B, Gospel, Jazz, Reggae et cetera. Basically the MOBO awards are unique because they celebrate the basis of much popular music today, as well as saluting the rich history and cultural diversity apparent in today’s multi-cultural society. It’s only been going three years, this will be the fourth year. It goes out worldwide to an audience of over a 100 Million people.

I think there became a time when I said look, I’d been to see a lot of organisations I had the door slammed in my face: “Oh look this is niche music, It’s a niche event! “ I said: No it’s not a niche event! You only have to look at the sales pattern and politics of music today and you re realising we’re defining the future of world music. You know, the acts that we’re talking’ about are securing number one global hits around the world. In a way I said, what we’re trying to do is something positive. We’re trying to celebrate the music, we’re also trying to celebrate genres that often get overlooked in other mainstream award ceremonies.”

Daniel Zylbersztajn: ”But it seems like at the moment we have a little bit of circulation from awards to awards, especially big people like Lauryn Hill, Puff Daddy is certainly somebody who has been recognised by MTV awards and what have you!!

Kanya King: “These artists feel comfortably not only n specialist charts but also in mainstream charts. So there is a lot of talent out there. We have an award called the unsigned act award. Basically what we are trying to do is to provide a platform for them. What we’re saying is, most people would wholeheartedly agree that most forms of popular music today have their roots in black heritage, and that’s what we’re doing trying to celebrate that fact. It doesn’t matter the colour or creed of an artist.. It’s a bout the music that counts.

Daniel Zylbersztajn: “African musicians in Europe are pretty much marginalised, and also would deserve an award!?”

Kanya King: “You’ve got Hip Hop and R&B, that’s African music! It started with the drum! Gospel music and Reggae music is marginalised! What we’re trying to do is say there are many forms of African music. And African music is R&B and Hip-Hop as well!

Daniel Zylbersztajn: “But why haven’t you got an award for African music?”

Kanya King: “We haven’t got an award for English music!

Daniel Zylbersztajn: “I thought that the award us called music of black origin?”

Kanya King: “Why do we need to call an award for African music when it should be either highlife or Zoot – we have a ninety minute slot and we obviously try to reflect, you know, a reggae act performance. A dance act performance, a hip-hop act performance, a gospel act performance. If we can – we only have ninety minutes of television, so we can’t reflect everything although we’d love to. It’s a very difficult choice, because what you’re trying to do is to give something have something for everyone and even though we have people say: Oh. Can we have not have more reggae acts on our show performing – you should have more dance acts, you try to reflect as much as you can, obviously with the time that you have. What’s also important is that rock music as well, we have black artists. People see that very much as a white genre, obviously you have to look where it’s come from. What we’re trying to do is to focus on music that doesn’t necessarily always get the recognition.!”

Daniel Zylberstajn: “Can you explain a little bit, how was it like when you grew up? How was it like for most black people, in this country about this recognition?”

Kanya King: “Gosh - when I was growing up, it was very very difficult to hear my influences, I mean whether it’s Sam Cook, John Holt or Steve Wonder, I think the sales patterns and politics of music is changing, and it’s no longer niche music, it’s part of the main stream today which is very important and this is really what we were campaigning for to make sure that black music is not marginalised, like it has been done in the past.”

Kanya King organiser of the MOBO.

If MOBO would specify black musical invention that occurred at specific locations, maybe the growth of rap and hip-hop in poverty ridden black populated urban areas in the USA, It would maybe have more validity. MOBO only circles between Britain, the Caribbean and the U.S.A. Today, Hip-Hop and other music forms are made in other world locations too! Most critically, a black origin music award begs its opposite – a white award –an impossibility in contemporary Europe, except for white supremacists. Further, what exactly do the generalising words black or white people mean anyway? They seem to gain meaning only in the context of a Europe and America for several centuries prejudiced towards people of a darker complexion. In the musical context consider also that Europe’s own native musical traditions – white music in the ears of MOBO - have and are still often ridiculed as backwards and primitive, those who believe Europe is the only place with a higher culture. Perhaps what we really need is to re-evalue our understandings of music, beyond black and white?

For Deutsche Welle, I am Daniel Zylbersztajn in London.

Pirate Stations in London

2000-11-16T00:17:00.001Z

transcript of broadcast in 2000 - all rights reserved (2009)

A pirate radio station is a station that broadcasts without a governmental licence. Here is a first taste of real radio pirates, this the “Heartless Crew” on Mission FM:

“….”

Pirate stations in Britain have been around since the 1960’s, when the first pioneers broadcasted from ships on sea. – Like historic pirates, most stations pride themselves to be independent, alternative, and enhancing free expression. Most pirates these days broadcast from the roofs of social housing tower blocks in London and other major cities. Usually several pirate stations are on air at one time. The majority of pirates such as the Heartless Crew are under the age of 25, many are from less well-off and marginalised backgrounds, in particular the whole spectrum of black voices, be they be in Ghanaian languages, about Caribbean Reggae or Sokka or modern black dance music, or even take black nationalist positions. All attempt to create spaces of their own, where there are none or not enough on legal or governmental stations.

In Britain there are fines with a maximum sentence of two years imprisonment for this activity. The government holds pirates to be dangerous, because they apparently interfere with main radio, but also with emergency services and air traffic control - a scary but outdated 1960’s argument, when legislation was passed, in an age of mobile phones and microwaves, with equal potential of interference, especially as transmission gear these days are quite precise. Mr Bigfoot a DJ on East London’s Station FM explains some backgrounds:

“…….”

The government, licences airwaves in accordance to economic viability. To run a station legally one must have great amounts of cash at hands, to pay for the licence as well as fees for music played. It may also be – and here I am speculating - a particular political direction that that is not liked.

Governor Melaninman, works on Genesis Radio a Black pirate stations, at the forefront of free black political expressions, from community based programmes to black nationalist talk.

“…….”

With London one of the main cities of musical production the music stations together with London clubs are often important trend-setters and must deserve proper attention. For many young persons they provide an opportunity to set themselves up in the music industry. Radio also brings people together in stratified urban environments. Here is how people on London’s streets feel about pirates:

“…….”

In the light of seizure of equipment and sentencing some stations are now changing over to the Internet, but not without the British government having hurried to decree a licensing fee even for that. To broadcast thus has a price, and at least in Britain radio transmission control too often criminalises aspiring younger people particularly of various marginalised backgrounds.

For Deutsche Welle in London I am Daniel Zylbersztajn.

School Council's International cross Study - Draft

2000-11-16T00:04:00.001Z

Below is the draft of an unpublished part of research I conducted in 2000

School Councils international examples.

DRAFT

Copyright Daniel Zylbersztajn 2000/2009

For publication and user rights contact author via dz.research@yahoo.co.uk

The next part of our research looked at various examples from all over the world.

What will I find in this section?

· This section will allow you to chose from a world wide variety of attempts and ways to increase students participation at school.

· Will sow you how your own work may fit within an international context.

· Will allow you to organise school councils to reflect more diverse backgrounds of students in your school, and give it validity to all.

· May assist you in connecting teaching issues on participation in an international context.

· Will allow you to interrogate “the British” ways with different models

What will not find in this section?

· The term international study, can be misleading. This is not a comparative analysis of international democratic and citizenship education of each country to each other. Such would be a considerably intensive and difficult project. The paper gives you a general idea on how issues of school councils and student representation are thought through in different locations, outside of Britain. In addition there are many countries which are federal unions, with independet educational authorities per state. In such cases information may be only state-wide (e.g. USA, Germany, Belgium a.o.)

· We have actively looked for the examples that have implemented school councils. We have ignored locations where school councils or similar bodies are not in place or only just formulating. To investigate the reasons why certain countries, or states are lacing behind with such organisation might bean interesting study by itself but is beyond our remit.

· We have not aimed to investigate students’ school representations in communist orders, as well as one party states. This includes countries such as China, Cuba, Vietnam and several countries of the Mhagreb, Near and Middle East.

· We did not investigate for obvious reasons oppressive regimes, often led by military dictatorships, because they discourage discending voices in general, often to the degree of imminent threath to ones life. In terms of citizenship education armies are of course the best model for the creation of obedient non questioning persons. We did establish that is was often those countries who had recently left diasastorous and oppressive eras in their histories that sought to establish the growth of a new generation citizens that dared to challenge, were allowed to ask questions, and be empowered to express their stances and opinions

Which sources did we use?

· We have conducted a comprehensive literature review which soon revealed that sources where quite difficult to btain on the subject of school councils. The review was thus followed by

· Web based research: This revealed itself to be successful in order to learn about the more Western countries

· Direct contact with a.) representatives of school councils, especially on state and national level

b.) governmental officials in democratic and citizenship education

Where useful we have listed further references in order to assist further research and interests. Please note that some of the suggested web-pages may change from time to time, and reflect the time this research was conducted (January 2000-July 2000)

How should I use this section?

We have tried to make this style as accessible as possible. Each case will be put in a framework, that gives you information on each example, such as the main educational points you need to be aware of in terms of (Political setting, Educational strategy). You may skip some parts, and read only the .

PLEASE REVERBALISE PLEASE REVERBALISE PLEASE REVERBALISE PLEASE REVERBALISE

Theoretical Considerations:

Democratic representation is understood differently not only from school to school but there are also differences in the way particular geographical and cultural histories reached the point of initiation of democratic programmes. There are different ways of explaining the notion of democratic participation itself. The answers one receives here are allowing us to contextualise our own experiences. Where are we today in terms of where others already are, or are not yet? Are there definitions and meanings for other people that could enhance the points we have gathered in favour of school councils or even against them. Must we assume that what seems right from our stand-point

is the only model for school democratisation.

It is our obligation to at least point out to still unresolved and often contradictory argumentations in the field of democratisation. It begs us to take very serious any strong believes in favour and against particular forms of students representation at school, not the least a valueable interogation of our own value systems and beliefs. To accept a given and total one way road to ideal democratic representation both at school or on parliamentary level, is to accept defeat, and deny any further development of our own political development, and thus the political development of the young persons we are trying to empower. In the May 2000 London Assembly elections, considered to be an important mile-stone in (re-)democratisation, electoral voting turn out was as low as 34 percent, a shocking trend that has been observable year by year. This is a political and democratic disaster which forces us to look again and try harder, be less vocal about what we have, looking at countries like South Africa, where people stood in one mile quues to register their votes.

It is striking how even within Europe the implementation and workings of school councils (not to talk of national governments) differ whilst at the same time equal in spirit. Who argues that Westminster, or Washington are the models to follow for Europe or even the world, should not forget that the imperial powers forced arrogantly their value and political systems onto their colonial areas, to the loss of local established orders, many of which were democratically in the first place, although they may not have carried that label.

Many countries especially in the “developing world” are also missing in this study. This is of course partly to do with extra time that would have been required to contact educational instituions in these places. But also because for quite a few, and especially in such societies in which with the globalisation of a world-wide economic structure former cultural networks have vanished (and not always for better) , access to at least some of what has become today the only valid form of education (Western style, school based), is much more an issue, than to consider how these institutions are governed. But we must bear in mind that in the light of the destruction and enpovertisation of many places, the teachings of common discourse, tolerance and care, as evident in the active models of school councils and democratisation of school education, carries a different message, than a mere economic opportunist model (which may not even require school based education), where the lucky few, live secluded from the voiceless masses. Giving people voices and teaching them to be responsible for each other, tolerant and to work towards amicable solutions, whilst allowing them to do so from young age, will in its most optimistic guise permit fairer societies, as well as prevent the prouwness to sudden political uprisings. Real success can only be reached if followed by real opportunities after school, on local, national and international level. Democracy, Tolerance, Problem Solution and Compromise needs to be experienced at school level.

INTRODUCTION TO OUR CASES:

Legislation and Implementation

This section will concentrate on the why school councils came about in various countries, what their expected official purpose is, and how many councils in fact exist.

Departure Oppression. Destination: School Council.

School Councils as experiment to bring about an empowered next generation.

This section includes references to the following coutries / states:

Chile – Greece - Estonia – Germany –

Namibia - Russia – South Africa - USA (Maryland)

A look at school councils internationally most often reveals something about the political history of a region or area. It is striking to see that school- councils are often isntituted with a moment of change and shedding off a specific era of oppression. The spirit in which they are set is very much the one: Our children should learn how to oppose oppression. School councils and school democratisation for the the benefit of the students are often the imaginary key in the initial conceptualisations of the new post-dictatorial or else oppressive regiemes. Chile, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy and South Africa are all example here.

In other countries the school-students themselves at the time of political climate change demand more co-responsibility and autonomy within schools. These are te cases in Germany and the USA for example. After the “Third Reich” Germany students became increasingly dissatisfied with the slow changes in education. Although the new post war government had istituted a version of the SMV (pupil’s co responsibility forum) German education remained in principle very hierchical and prudent, and due to a lack of enough new teachers, schools often had no hoice but to employ the old initially banned teachers from the Nazi era. This let to consistent and persistent school student protests, which particularly addresses the value system of the adults. Inspiration and resource as for so many other rardical (questioning the established order) movements of the 1960’s were neo-marxist philosopies advocating a “society without repression and oppression of desires and emotions.” It was only through the persistence of the students that finally in 1968 on a conference of the federal ministries of education it was decreed:

“The participation of pupils’ representatives is required at conferences of the teachers, under

specific conditions. The support of individual pupils, if they so wish, can be carried out by the

pupil’s representatives, under consideration of the law, hereby especially in cases of

disciplinary actionand complaints. The representativbes must be given the right to examine

all edicts and decisions of the school’s governors, as far as they ae relevant to the pupils.

There should be regular meetings on themes of contemporary school matters, between the

school management and the representatives of the pupils. The representatives should also b

part of the planning and shaping of the curriculum.”[1]

Similarly in the USA in 1969 Montgomery, Maryland school students demanded a change amidst university student Vietnam protests, and the civil rights strives, a sixteen or seventeen years old high school student Norman Solomon wrote this address to the US. State Maryland, Montgomery County (Maryland) Board of Education, on behalf of ‘The Montgomery County Student Alliance’, a group of high school students in February 1969[2]:

“WHAT NEEDS TO BE DONE:

[…]11. Students must have the right to print and distribute their own publications…

12. Students have the right to have the freedom to decide what they want to print in student

newspapers, literary magazines and yearbooks…

13. Outside speakers must be given the chance to speak to students without favouritism or

discrimination. Military recruiters, for example, address assemblies at each county high school every year, but the same right has been refused to groups presenting different or opposing viewpoints. Students must make decisions to invite speakers and arrange assemblies… […]

15. Relevant courses must be developed to meet the students’ interests.. Students should be surveyed as to what courses they would like to see offered, and the results should play a determining role in the direction of course offerings…

16. Students should be free to arrange voluntary seminars to be held during school day. If schools are really to become relevant, students must be allowed – indeed encouraged – to set up discussions, hold workshops and seminars, hear speakers who are well informed about the subjects that interest students…[…]

18. Informing Students of their rights. The school should take the responsibility of informing each student of his rights in dealing with administrators and teachers. If the School board agrees that students do have rights, then it must be willing to make these rights directly known to each student. […]

23. School Board Hearings for Students

It is important that school officials come into contact with the concerns of the students. The Board could schedule hearings every two weeks at which time students would be invited to testify and voice complaints and suggestions.

24. Student Voice on School Board

The school board would do well to include representation of students. Every semester the School Board could supervise the election of student representatives from among county high school students, printing a special bulletin for each high school student which would give the positions of each of the students, who had volunteered to run for the positions.”

30 years later the U.S. State Maryland has one of the most impressive school council systems in place. We will later look at it in some more detail.

Not all initial intentions will eventually turn out to be operative school councils in praxis. One example would be Greece, which between 1967 and 1974 was under military rule. Once more citizenship was to mean to be able to tackle official bodies. Student self governments were instituted as part of better praxis in schools in order that “ for {school students] to be educated into good citizens through early experiences in the democratic forms of decision making and decision enacting. All types of student representations (at the class and school unity level) and some participation of student representatives in the formal decision-making process at the school aim at the development of democratic citizens through the experience of representation and participation.”[3]

In Greece the school student self governments developed into more political bodies, side-lining representation per se, an observation we shall later focus on in detail in the case of Finland.

A conservative observer wrote in 1998 about the Greek self governments:

… in the last three years the most favourite activity in the student communities at a national level (especially at the Lyzeum[4]) is to organise and administer ‘sit-ins’ as a modern form of protest.It is clear that a sit-in as the arbitrary blocking of a public service (education) is beyond the rights of the students. In that sense, it is interesting to notice that the cradle of citizenship education in the school – the student community – came to foster exactly the type of action it was supposed to prevent: deviation from the rules of the ‘democratic game’ as the means to obtain a highly respected goal.”[5]

It is important to point out that this development may be due to a lack in sufficient training and guidance.

More recently in the last decade (1990s) countries like Chile, Estonia, South Africa and Russia became to consider how to include democratic experience in school. We have examined the cases of Estonia, Russia, South Africa and Chile. Whilst Russia at the heart of the former Soviet empire is the archetype model of a shift from Communist functionary representation to democractic ellected representation, the post cold war era for Estonia also meant the independence from Soviet imperialism in 1991, and South Africa the end of Apartheid opression. Chile likewise is currently recovering from a brutal military fascist regime. We have also followed up the success of integration of the states in Germany which used to form the communist German Democratic Republic (GDR), East Germany.

Since glasnost and perestroica and the consequent first free elections Russia has worked quite a bit on its democratic requirements for schools since thelate 1980s. They have instituted an obligtory school board in every secondary school, on which students sit alongside teachers and parents. The school board is separate to the governors, but is just as important in decision making. The Russian parliament has also allowed for voluntary students self governments to exist within a school, which are basically student councils. The councils role is merely representative, with the Russian education legislation forbidding any political activities.

There are no connections between the citizenship education of Russia and the active experiences of the student governments. The citizenship education consists out of citizenship education in the lower and sociology in the higher schools with law as an option is some schools. The knowledge of students of these two subjects is reported to be quite high, which proves interest.

On the work of the school councils the following report from Failya Ismaeva, co-ordinator of international programmes of the Association of School Students in Russia, is very interesting

“While working in the school council students have opportunity to:

- get involved in the social processes throughout the school life on their own devises

- act independently without the help of adults

- the students self government main aim is to gain experiences on how to co-operate with the schools authorities as equal partners.”[6]

On the question of represntation for all Failya Ismaeva, pointed out to one of the national student associations main cocepts: “the first level of social motivation is encouragement, in other words non-profit bonuses.” She pointed out that in general school students enjoy being and getting things done togehether, and getting a feeling that their work is important for themselves and those they represent.

INSERT WEB PAGE LINK Russia

“Students’ councils can be a r eally good place to develop your organisational skills, to meet new people and to make something good for your school envoronment.”[7]

This is the opinion of Rosa Rotko from the Estonian (national) student council union, who is the co-operating body with functional school councils in estonuia, and gives out advise. She reports that in her school the school student council would be working really well and effectively. However she recognises that it is an exception, explaining that not every school in Estonia had a student school council. Estonia’s citizenship education is leaned towards the shift from an objeing citizen to an active citizen, but Rosa Rotko complains that it “it is always really hard to make pupils understand, that student councils should be more than just parties (party as in rave) organanising committees.” [8]She then moves on to explain a significant point which has also been raised by the young persons from other countries:

“ A main difficulty can be resistance of the school board or principal. The problem is quite known, especially in the Russian speaking schools in Estonia. [9] If the principal doesn’t allow pupils to form the council, then there is not going to be one. Probably the teachers and principals are afraid of giving “the power” to the pupils. Another difficulty is making the council work effectively. There must be a person who can lead the whole group, and leading is not that simple, especially for pupils who don’t have any earlier experience… There should [also] not be a constant competition about whio is president, who is vice president, … forgetting the actual aim – making school life more interesting and better..” [10]

Rosa Rotko pointed out that although the school council can be a very good model for democracy, she felt it could achieve the opposite, if student councils fail to represent the other school students:

“I have to admot, it is the same as in the Estonian politics, that pupils (ore people) don’t understand why they need a student council. … If the council is ignoring other pupils and their needs then it is very likely that they can’t use their voice. The student council is a really good place to learn democracy, but because most councils are not well organised, it is not very clear how pupils can learn about democracy. It can be the opposite, only one leader has the power to decide, the others are not interested, or the principal still decides everything…”[11]

INSERT WEB PAGE LINK ESTONIA

It is striking that these comments may have come just as well from a great number of schools in Great Britain, proud of its century old democracy, whilst Estonia’s is not even ten years old.

The so called “new states” of Germany pose an interesting case in the list of geographic locations which were, until 1989 (the year of the fall of the Berlin Wall) under Soviet rule. A summarising comment about the state of school student representation in the GDR, thus until 1989 reports:

“The participation (Mitwirkung) of pupils was set in the school regulation (Schulordnung), which guaranteed the rights in the school of the GDR to:

- ability to gain inclusive knowledge and potential, fully

- to widen their abilities and talents, and

- to actively share in the making (Gestaltung) of life at school and in society.

But in reality narrow borders existed for this. These were already clear from the understanding of pedagogical principles of the GDR, in whose centre stood the leading and contolling of children and young persons.”[12]

Saxony-Anhalt is one of those states, which through the process of re-unifications (Wiedervereinigung) were to adopt adopt the federal system of the Federal republic of Germany (FRG), or formerly West Germany. It is significant to note that there was no process of approriation and coming together of educational concepts, but mere adoption of the only right concept.[13]

In order to achieve a speedy transformation of the old communist school system into the Western German model a registered charitable organisation, the “Association for the Advancement of Democratic Pupil’s Participation (Förderverein Demokratischer SchuelerInnenMitwirkung E.V. (FDS)) was set up. Its members are current and former members of the school student representatives in the state, and their purpose is to give seminars, exchange information, and provide school councils with speakers. Their key principle is ‘Democracy lives through Activisim’. It is important to note that this association is working independently of the state wide congress of school council representatives (Landesschülervertretung (LSV). As such it stands out uniquley from the majority of most other student school council bodies, as the only independent advisory body. In terms of high-headed representatives that was pointed out so vividly by the Estonian representative , the FDS’s spokes-person Steffen Ille, who was himself two years consecutively secretary of the state LSV explains that there is an emphaisis in trying to keep in contact with the base. This is eased in the state through a yearly congress at which all school student representatives can attend. But Steffen Ille did agree on the point of difficulties with teachers and principals who had learned to be teachers in another school era (the communist one). He answered a question posed to him by us, whether it was difficult to change the old political banning from schools (for it had potentially severe implications in terms of punishments), and if at all it was possible to get or allow school students to be campaign especially against the leadership.

“In deed, the rights of participation in management and hereby in particular against the leadership are not realised frequently. Often discussions are only varied [real word used here is bunt = colourful], until the leader has declared his / her position. The pupils seldom understand, that they have real rights to take a different view to the school directorate, and that they can and are allowed to take initiative in that respect.”[14]

And for once here is a voice that openly admits, that if tehre are any lessons for democracy, they only exist for the view ellected representatives. As lessons for democracy Steffen Ille lists “the understanding of the mechanisms of formations opinions and of the formation of majorities in this regard, such as “culture” of discussion, leadership initiative in discussions, the ability of utilizing the media, such as school student papers and posters, and to understand and consider the interests of other groups (parents, teachers).” [15]

Interestingly Steffen Ille lists a phenopmenon that may well explain the “failure” of the Greek scenario described earlier. Warning about failures in achievements he advises:

“Permanent failure in achieving self-set aims brings with itself a rejection of democratic structures. In this regard it is abolutely necessary to norture the ability of self criticism and self-adjustment in relation to one’s own actions. This can be done for inatance through an ellected teacher in a confidential supervisory role (Vertrauenslehrer).”[16]

FDS Internetlink (German) http://fdsev.schuldemokratie.de

Sources on International Experiences relating to pupil’s school-councils

Compiled for Goldsmiths Education Studies (school-council research project)

by Daniel Zylbersztajn

February 2000

This paper includes original references and transcripts.

Contents:

Chile

Council of Europe

Denmark

Finland

Germany

- General

- GDR

- Baaden Würtenberg

- Bavaria

- Saarland

Greece

Namibia

Netherlands

Norway

- A

- B

- C

Portugal

Tanzania

South Africa

Sweden

USA

- General

- New York

- Maryland

Chile

Bullet Points: Military Oppression 1973-1988 with final departure of Pinochet in 1990. 10 March 1990 (last day of Pinochet) law passed that “each school can work out its own curriculum”

1992 Ministry of Education of Chile publishes draft proposal of fundamental objectives and minimal content:

“ *Ethical formation of student includes the development of personal autonomy and acceptance of racial ethical, religious and political differences, and positive acceptance of tolerance and dialogue as a way of overcoming differences.

* Development of students personal and social abilities

* Openness to relevant and emerging themes, including human rights […]

Elected student councils now play a decisive role in this regard, as arenas, where students reflect on and debate their needs. “

Taken from In Fernando Guzman in Gathaka (1994), p.6 [Emphasis added]

Mineduc_Info wrote:

Dear Daniel: Students Councils are very common in Chile. In fact most of the secondary schools have one. We have send your e-mail to Jorge Castillo who works with them. He should be in Santiago by March. I believe he can help you.

Paz Nalegach

info@mineduc.cl

Council of Europe

“Democracy is best learned in a democratic setting, where participation is encouraged, where views can be expressed openly and discussed, where there is freedom of expression for pupils and teachers and where there is fairness and justice”

Recommendations of the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly 1985

The resolution stresses the “importance of ensuring that young people are properly prepared for political and institutional life”.. It is said that young people are should be encouraged to “to participate fully political and institutional life.” Participation of young people in democratic life means at some point “the readiness to become involved in a club, an association, a trade-union, a party.” “Democracy depend on a broad spectrum of organised citizens in a plurality of associations. This is particularly valid for young citizens.” … They should be ready to stand up for their convictions in a collectivity … in a youth organisation or political party.” “We must encourage a policy of participation of young people at all levels of political and institutional life.” The recommendation stresses the importance of the participation experience: “ For young people [participation] is the way to get into responsibility and understanding the mechanisms of democracy.”

Quoted in Fogelman, Point 15.8.7: Report by the Rapporteur Général, chapter in: Edwards, Munn & Fogelman, (1994), pp. 13-21

Denmark

A.)

“…Student councils are an accepted part of life in Denmark … In Denmark the Danish folkesole law requires that every school have a school have a school council or board composed of two students, seven parents, and two employees. At one school, the student representatives were seventh and eight graders elected by the student council. Their rektor (principal or headmaster) said that although much of the business of the school board was boring for the students, “sometimes they speak.” The student councils usually comprise two representatives from each class. At one school the student council; discussed and found solutions to real problems such as providing towels in the bathrooms, a pay telephone for student use, a refrigerator for their milk, and goals for soccer. At another folkskole the student council had to allocate some of its funds to repair damage done by unknown student vandals. In one class, where the two representatives had little interest in the council, their disinterest spread to the rest of the class. Nevertheless, they all remain active in class meetings, which were seen by teachers to be the basis of democratic preparation.

Danish gymnasier, like folkeskoler, have both a student council and a school board with representatives from the students, as well as teachers, and parents. One student council dealt with the smoking policy and other rules and regulations, leaving the planing. One student council dealt with the smoking policy and other rules and regulations, leaving the planning of parties to another committee. Another committee worked on obtaining mew soccer playing fields, and condom dispensing machines in the school. At only one school did students complain that regardless of their recommendations. The rektor did what he wanted. The student council at many of the Danish schools worked with the national organisations of students to organise Operation Work Day. Until 1997 when a new policy was instituted on that day there was now school, and students did various jobs to raise money for a charity. Millions of kroners were raised for relief in Somalia, for refugees in the former Yugoslavia, and for rainforests in Brazil. “

“Students answered a … question, with 36 percent in 1986 and 10 percent in 1993, saying they did belong to a national student union or political organisation.

Danish students indicated comparatively high levels of political interest and efficacy. They often followed the news and discussed it with family, friends, and teachers. They often tried to persuade others to views and exhibited a high level of political confidence. They participated in class decision making and indirectly in school decision making. They observed debates and engaged in discussion about a national referendum. Danish students, who appear to be the most politicised students in this study (also including English , German, US, and Dutch students), attend schools in which political discussion participation is practised, and they live in a wider political culture, in which political discussion and participation. are also prevalent. It is not surprising then that in a context of democratic discourse and participation, that that young Danish youth construct a view of the political realm that both reflects and supports participatory democracy to a greater extent, than is evident in the other countries in this study.”

Taken from Hahn (1998), p. 96f, 99

B. )

“Public primary and secondary school in Denmark also engage in a very high level of independence, compared to schools in other countries. There is a national curriculum, but the board of each school has the power to change it. School boards, typically consisting out of 2 parents, 2 teachers, and 2 pupils, have decision-making powers over most school-related issues. Beyond this students have an unlimited choice of schools…

Danes firmly believe, that the freedom to choose makes people more responsible. All parties in parliament support this basic idea, albeit to a greater or lesser extent. […]

Freedom is the opposite of indifference. What the world needs, is people who care, people who demand freedom follow their conscience. To work to that end is to educate for democracy.”

Taken from Bertel Haarder: Democracy the Freedom to choose, in Gathaka (1994), p.7

C.)

The following longer section is one of the best descriptions of a functioning school-councils, including a debate of the achievements, problems and suggestions. The extracts here have been copied in full from

Jensen & Walker (1989), pp 151-161

“Nils Danielsen:

(i) Helping pupils to help themselves: pupils' councils and participation

Danish law requires all schools to establish a pupils' council. These councils are typically made up of two elected pupils from each of the classes between the sixth grade (12-year-olds) and the tenth grade (16-year-olds). … ! But a remark often to be heard in most schools, all over Denmark, is as follows: 'Our pupils' council doesn't work!' And it is natural to ask, as we have done, why? Why don't pupils' councils work?

Among other things, a frequent explanation is that there is something wrong with the belief that just because pupils have been elected to a council, the following will automatically arise. That these pupils will possess a good and necessary knowledge of the structure of the school and how decisions are made within that structure. That they will have mastered the techniques of running meetings and of working as a council. And that they will feel safe and accepted by each other, despite differences in age and familiarity. In addition, certain practical difficulties arise. Pupils' council might need help in writing out agendas and in keeping minutes; they may be uncertain about how to distribute business arrangements and outcomes of discussion; and they will inevitably lack certain powers for calling pupils' representatives to the committees of the school or the council.

With the intention of facing these difficulties or similar problems, many schools in Denmark have established a contact-teacher system. In general this system is based upon an approach by which certain teachers are specifically charged with developing pupils' influence. Normally the 'contact-teacher' is elected by and from the teachers' council and has to report on his or her work at teacher council meetings. The contact-teacher is charged with the task of supporting the work of the pupils' council by functioning as the administration for the council and its executive committee. They also arrange courses for the council, courses which aim to help members of the council to get to know each other and to better understand the organisation of their school and courses which are designed to help representatives to practise political debate and to learn what possibilities are available for their council itself.

To give some idea of how the contact-teacher system operates, in what follows, I will describe just what happened in one year at Stavnsholtskolen, Farum.

One year with the pupils' council

Even before the summer holidays, the new 6th-10th classes have elected two representatives for the pupils' council. The council (about 16 pupils) is invited to a two-day course at the very beginning of the school year. This course takes place in the facilities of the Continuation School in another part of the town, which makes it a real course, away from everyday school.

At the course the pupils are provided with knowledge of the importance of the council in the school system, of its own rules and of pupils' organisations such as LOE and FLO (the pupils' unions). The pupils meet the president of the teachers' council who is on a panel, together with the presidents of the parent-teacher committee and the education committee.

At the course, the pupils’ council begins to work out a list of tasks its members want to address. This plan-for-the-year means that the pupils' council always has something to do. When urgent matters of current interest have been dealt with, the year-plan is studied. This plan is copied and placed in the representatives' council folder. A very important part of the course is a complete pupils' council meeting which the contact-teacher uses as a basis for exploring meetings and debating techniques.

The two-day course begins with role-play and simulation exercises. These help the pupils to get to know one another and to discover each other's opinions. This means that the last item of the course, which is election for different posts, can take place on a reasonable basis. At this stage the members of the pupils' council are very enthusiastic and most elections are hotly contested.

The daily work of the pupils' council

The executive committee of the pupils' council makes a point of summoning the full council shortly after the course is completed. The agenda for the meeting has one permanent item, 'News from the Committees'. This prevents the appointed committees and the representatives from the committees of the school from neglecting their duties and it reminds them of the importance of informing the pupils' council. Most topics debated by the pupils' council are sent to the classes for discussion before the council comes to a decision at a later meeting.

After agreeing on a proposal, the pupils will pass their ideas on to the appropriate body in the school. Members of the council have to get used to writing letters - a written question demands a written answer and can often expose certain uncertainties more sharply than a spoken message.

The contact-teacher will see to it that the administrative office in the school gives the pupils' council the same support as is given to the teachers' council with respect to such issues as the writing-out of agendas, minutes and the like. Agendas and minutes are distributed by having a call made on the loudspeaker system of the school. A marking system provides a survey of the classes that haven't collected their papers. In addition, minutes of the pupils' council meetings are sent to class teachers of the 6th-10th grades and are displayed on the teachers' notice board.

The executive committee of the council has a weekly meeting at which the full council's work is discussed and prepared and where letters to be presented to the council are drafted out. In this way, it is possible for the pupils' council to take an interest in an extensive range of school matters.

The tasks of the pupils' council

The council will discuss any event happening in the school. For instance, it may suggest topics or themes for 'feature-weeks', it may evaluate the annual sports day or it may join in the work of the committee of cultural affairs. Other questions arise:

'Is the information about the subjects you may choose in the 8th-10th classes sufficient?'

'Are we to have one or two terminal examinations in the 9th class?'

'Are there other examples of discussion topics for the pupils' council?'

An adopted resolution of allocating one weekly lesson per class for open discussion caused a lively debate in the classes and the pupils' council. The purpose and importance of school subjects were debated and the observations of the pupils' council gained support from the parent-teacher committee. The renovation of a living room, in which pupils may spend time during the breaks was another task of the pupils' council.

The pupils' council now manages far more tasks than they did previously. One reason for this is the desire of the parent-teacher committee to know the attitude of the pupils' council to as many subjects as possible.

Attending a course again!

The pupils' council hold a monthly meeting. Camps, practical trainee work, holidays and end of term examinations, however, interrupt the work. These interruptions sometimes threaten the stability of the pupils' council work. Partly because of that, we find that a second course for the pupils' council is of great importance. This course-day takes place in February or March, and its purpose is to evaluate the time, which has passed since the first course. Members thoroughly discuss the course of pupils' council meetings, the results and the level of co-operation with other parties in the school.

Evaluations have generally been very positive, and, proud of its own results, the pupils' council looks forward to the work of the spring term. Tasks are finished and pupils heading for examinations are replaced by younger persons in the different committees. The election of members for the following year's pupils' council takes place on the 1st of May at the latest, and new members are invited to attend the final meeting of the old council.

The pupils' council's own lesson:

The contact-teacher system has improved the workings of the pupils' council. Difficulties arise, however, when topics are to be discussed in the classes during the pupils' own lesson. The working methods of the pupils' council (having a chair and a reporter) has had some influence on the pupils' own lessons, but it is still difficult for the two pupils' council members to make their classmates take an interest in the pupils' council work. The reason for this is partly the nature of representative democracy (of course, it is more fun when you take part yourself) and partly that most of the topics from the pupils' council are so complicated that the representatives have difficulty in explaining them. However, the pupils' council has tried to awaken the interest of other pupils in different ways. The best procedure seems to be the holding of frequent meetings for all the pupils in the 7th-10th classes as a supplement to council work that takes place in the pupils' own lesson.

The contact-teacher's role

The contact-teacher tries to ensure that tasks concerning school administration are dealt with. At the pupils' council meetings the contact-teacher is at the pupils' disposal when they need guidance, although the contact-teacher only contributes if important information is lacking in the debate or if the pupils' council needs guidance about voting or protecting minority interests.

After council meetings, the reporter will need the help of the contact-teacher to make sure that the minutes which are sent out for discussion in the classes are precise and correct. Other tasks for the contact-teacher are to inform other teachers about the work of the pupils’ council, to give support to the pupils on boards and in committees, and to ensure that decisions made in the pupils' council are realised.

The contact-teacher's duties as regards the pupils' council can be compared with those of the education committee and headmaster as regards the parent-teacher committee. The popularly elected are those to decide, and it is the official's duty to see that the basis for making decisions is a secure one.

The importance of the contact-teacher system to the school and the pupils

It is very satisfactory that the pupils' council, which represents the numerically largest group in school, should express opinions about school matters. For nearly all the pupils who take part in the work of the pupils' council it is true to say that the work gives them their first experiences of spheres of interest and organisation. These experiences can be decisive in motivating them to join organising work at some other time and place, be it party-political, grass-roots movements, or trade union work.

The contact-teacher system for the pupils' council has meant that some pupils devote quite a lot of their energies and their ideas to the pupils' council and, through that, the school. And it seems refreshing and renewing when pupils reflect on how to make their school better.

(ii) The need for a pupils' statute in a democratic school

Frederik Smit:

Danielsen's account of how the contact-teacher system at Stavnsholt School helps to support the smooth functioning of the pupils' council (see above) provides us with some clear ideas of how these councils can be made more effective. Danielsen suggests that one obstacle to the effective operation of pupils' councils is that, often, the pupils themselves lack the skills necessary to run councils and to organise proper discussion. Furthermore, pupils often have only a limited understanding of the ins and outs of how their school works and are thus limited in the contribution they can make to the decision-making process. It seems obvious, therefore, that pupils' councils need guidance from teachers. At Stavnsholi the basic aim was to use teachers as a resource to give pupils the necessary knowledge, skills and support required for their council to become an effective and functioning democratic influence. This approach was obviously very valuable. However, I wish to argue that, on its own, it is not enough if one wishes to strengthen the pupils' weak position in the organisation of a school and to involve these pupils as equal partners, with adults, in the crucial area of decision-making. What pupils also need is clarification of their legal status at school.

Pupils' rights and duties

It appears that when pupils take a seat on a pupils' council they find it important to know where they stand with regards to their exact rights and duties as pupils at school. Pupils' representatives in pupils' councils feel a need to know exactly what possibilities they have to act as representatives of the pupils, how they can best stand up for pupils' rights and what authority they have. In most schools these matters lack clarity.

A well-defined legal status of pupils is in accordance with a democratically functioning school. It also fits in nicely with the view that pupils as young citizens demand a recognisable place of their own in the social context within which they function. Of course, discussions about the legal status of pupils in the educational system are as old as the system itself. What educational system would there be without any pupils?

Until, let us say, the end of the sixties, pupils were mainly considered as more or less passive consumers. They were offered X number of available courses, which they were allowed to make use of, and that was about it. From the end of the sixties - especially under the influence of the general 'wave of democratisation'- this view began to change somewhat. There was an increasing awareness that pupils not only have duties but also rights, and that as part of the school community they should be involved in matters that concern them. At many schools in The Netherlands these issues came into the open - sometimes through school or students' papers, sometimes through school 'parliaments' or pupils' councils. During this period one sometimes came across the term 'pupils' statute'. Such a statute is the whole collection of rules and regulations which define a pupil's legal status at school; they embody both pupils' rights and pupils' duties and thus the rights and duties of other members of the school community, in relation to the pupils. The Education Participation Act of 1981 actually made the first real formal acknowledgement of the fact that pupils ought to be involved in major school issues. It was also in this Act that the term'pupils'statute'was first mentioned. It is only from 1984 onwards that the necessity of a pupils' statute began to evolve. It seems inevitable that after prisoners, patients, consumers and soldiers, it is now the turn of the legal status of pupils to receive the attention to which it is entitled.

[…]

On the basis of the findings of the contact-teacher system with pupils' committees in Denmark and the experience with pupils' councils at Dutch schools, the following recommendations can be postulated:

I .At each school a pupils' statute will have to be drawn up in which the pupils' rights and duties in all the various fields are recorded.

2. Pupil members of a pupils' council should be given the opportunity to attend training courses because there is a demonstrable need for them to obtain knowledge and skills, in order to be able to participate in decision-making processes at school.

3. The role of the pupils' council must be well defined so that a clear division of tasks can be brought about between the pupils' staff/management.

4. In order to prepare for meetings of the pupils' council, pupils should receive necessary information from staff and school management in good time and without them having to ask for it so that they can consult fellow pupils, obtain additional information and can consult 'experts', if necessary.

5. The agenda of the pupils' councils should not only be distributed among members, but also among fellow pupils. This guarantees that everyone will be informed about the time, place and items on the agenda of the meetings in question.

6. Every school year, the pupils' council should write an annual report on its activities and results so that these become real and noticeable to pupils, parents and staff members at school.

Conclusion

For pupils, school is not only a place for the transfer of knowledge, skills and perceptions, but it is also used by them as a place to meet people of the same age, a place that is suitable for them to experiment and to c me face to face with different ways of life. Education should provide for space for a youth culture of its own, space that should be given at school. A pupils' statute may express ways in which this space is formally defined. It can contribute to a smooth way of running things at school and can give support to pupils in their experience of how a democratic school can function. “

Source is given at the beginning of chapter!

Finland

The following extracts were taken from:

Pavo Kärenlampi: The Fight for School Democracy in Finland, http://linnea.helsinki.fi/elektra/kartsum.html (February 2000)

The Fight for School Democracy in Finland

Summary

The phenomenon studied in this work can be described as a wave movement that kept sweeping over Finland for more than two decades. In the beginning and until mid '70s, the wave was rapidly rising. The highest crest was reached in 1973 and 1974, when the Finnish school world was involved in fervent discussions about the increase of the pupils' power in school-internal decision-making, and at the same time, about giving more authority to the school councils. The wave kept rolling throughout the '70s until it started to die down in the '80s. The energetic interest in school councils cooled down, and representatives of various parties in Parliament spoke about overheating. By the mid-eighties, the concept of school councils had become history.

The school democracy movement was ideologically rooted in the centuries-old ideals of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, as well as in the humanistic and democratic conception of man. Promotion of participatory democracy in schools had been one of the major objectives of the international student movement of the 60's. In Finland, the major political forces working for the implementation of school democracy were the Social Democrat movement, the Centre Party and the People's Democratic movement.

A unique phenomenon globally, the so-called "cross-voting" system was adopted as the election system for the grammar school councils. According to the system each enfranchised teacher and student could vote for one student candidate and for one teacher candidate. Due to the larger number of students, cross-voting led in practice to student rule. The cross-voting system was a Finnish innovation, which had been developed by the inner circle of "Teiniliitto", the Federation of Students at secondary and upper-secondary schools. This type of election was officially presented in the report of the school democracy working group, published in 1970. The argument for the cross-voting system was that it would eliminate the juxtaposition of students and teachers.

However, the juxtaposition was not eliminated in the schools, which had adopted cross-voting. The teachers felt discriminated against, because they could not choose their 'own representatives. Teachers asked, whether the

system, marketed as democracy, would lead to student rule. Here we must point out that students did not assume real power, not even in the cross-voting schools- the school principal was not only the pedagogic and

administrative director, but also the preparing officer of the school councils.

The teacher party still enjoyed general authority over the student party.

In the first school council elections in 1973, the cross-voting system was adopted in 90 grammar schools while the corresponding number was 101 in the secondary school elections. When the councils for 1975 were elected, the number of schools allowed to use the cross-voting system was down to 41, and that marked the end of cross-voting as the form of election of administrative bodies in compulsory schools. The study of the Teiniliitto source material showed that the purpose of the majority in the board of the federation, was to limit the powers of the teaching staff, most of whom were regarded as being conservative.

The aim of the general-democratic front of Teiniliitto (Social Democrats, People's Democrats, Centre Party and Liberal Party representatives) was to make the school-internal use of power correspond to the views of the students.

In the cross-voting schools, the teachers competing for the votes of the students, were faced with a situation in which the students had formed their alliances under political terms. Since the majority of teachers wanted to choose their own school council representatives, the Finnish Teachers'Union, OAJ, took a stand against cross-voting. On 12 December 1974, OAJ and the top officials of the National Board of Education arranged a meeting and made an agreement, whereby a school would not be allowed to adopt cross-voting if the majority of the teaching staff in that school was against it. This secret agreement, deposited in the safe of the National Board of Education, marked the beginning of a process, which led to the elimination of cross-voting as an alternative form of election.

During the period of grammar school councils, the influence of the parents was at its lowest. At the beginning of the period studied in this work, the boards of the municipal elementary schools and the parent-teacher associations of the grammar schools had parent representatives. There was no parent representation in the grammar school councils, the underlining ideology being that school education and teaching was a collective social responsibility, rather than the responsibility of each family. When the comprehensive school system was finally adopted throughout Finland - the southernmost parts were the last regions to take over the new system in 1977 - the parents obtained new influence through the comprehensive school councils. In fact, the majority of the members in comprehensive school councils had to be elected among the parents of the students.

The school democracy wave that swept over Finland had started in Sweden. However, the development in the country's western neighbour had taken a different course. Sweden never tried to implement student rule along the lines of the cross-voting system, and tried differences of opinion between the student and teacher organisations never led to as profound a confrontation as in Finland. The reasons for the differences were the following: in Sweden the labour pains of the new school, system had subsided, when in Finland the change was only starting. The reform of the Finnish school system coincided with the pan-European movement for strong close-range democracy, which brought the situation to a head in the early '70s.

The People's Democratic movement played a much more significant role in Finland than in Sweden, a further factor contributing to the poignant character of the Finnish school policy debate.

Unlike the Central Organisation of Swedish Pupils, the Finnish Teiniliitto adopted the minority communist terminology in the early '70s. The difference in political cultures, a consequence of historical and social divergence, was a long-term factor contributing to the different developments in the two countries. The culture of interaction had started to develop earlier in Sweden while the Finnish political tradition was more aggressive.

The school democracy movement either boosted or stunted the influence of the organisations, which were associated with it. In the early '70s, Teiniliitto was a growing force, but by the middle of the decade, the organisation was faced with a political and economic collapse and loss of influence. The unexpectedly positive outcome of the right-wing Kokoomus (National Coalition Party) in the school council elections in February and November of 1973 caused confusion among the ranks of the general-democratic front. Finally, the front fell, and the minority communists lost the bulwark erected in the name of general democracy.

From 1973, the energy of the political youth organisations had been wasted in administrative school council work, and gradually, frustration started to spread among the operators. Teiniliitto had lost the fight over cross-voting, and after its economic crash, it was on the losing side. The same applied to the people's democratic and social-democratic pupil organisations, … The operations … of an association of "democratic school workers" died down in the '80s, while the focus of the social-democratic counterpart, was no longer on legislative and administrative pursuits, but on operations related to the internal development of schools. Nuoren Keskustan Liitto, the Centre Party youth Organisation, once a member of the general-democratic front and thus in favour of cross-voting, had been more pragmatic about the issue of the election system. Therefore the loss of the general-democratic front in the cross-voting issue did not have any particular effect on Nuoren Keskustan Liitto.

The most active group in Teiniliitto, the Stalinist student movement did very well in the early'70s. It attracted young idealists who felt their ideology was a progressive pursuit towards a society where man would not exploit his fellow citizens. The moving of the grammar school politicians towards the most revolutionary fraction of the communist movement, was boosted by the extreme slowness and difficulty of the reform within the Finnish parliamentary system. The radical administrative reform of the universities failed, the left-wing majority in Parliament was lost and replaced by a right-wing majority in the 1970 parliamentary elections. An analysis of the existing documents suggests that the communist student movement was striving for a profound change in society.

The fight of the youth organisations within Teiniliitto was of party political character. After 1970, all major elections Teiniliito were preceded by heavy party lobbying. In the long run … the Coalition Party Youth Organisation, did quite well, it became the biggest group in the grammar school councils. Since the Coalition Party representatives had not been in the general-democratic front, they could accuse the other groups of the excesses. It was a positive trend for the right-wing youth movement that the Finnish debate culture developed in the'80s into a "rhetoric of the market forces". The fact that the ideas of management-by-results were adopted in the schools was seen to be the same as accepting market economy values.

This study showed that the political activities run by Teiniliitto under the leadership of the general-democratic front, were also motivated by a desire to democratise the traditional grammar school administration. The purpose of the political operations of the front was to change the school power structure. In his dissertation, Matti Hyvärinen made a conclusion about the university policy of the Finnish Stalinists, maintaining that the radical student movement was of non-political nature. This conclusion cannot be applied to school student policy. The fight for school democracy was a part of the culture and information war of the '70s in Finland, and the fronts were formed at every level, from schools to the Academy of Finland. Some of the involved parties hoped to change the social system, while others were afraid that such hopes might come true.

Dr. Matti Hyvärinen’s use of the concepts "political" and "non-political" differed from the general usage in historical research. In scientific historical debate, the concept of policy traditionally includes activities related to public power, and the pursuit of changing the power structures would be covered by the concept of policy. "Political" is considered to refer to all issues related to the use of power, either within a state or in international relations; in a wider sense, all background phenomena and factors which are considered to have an impact on the use of power. As a movement thriving to change the power structures and divided into party-political groups, the student movement was a political phenomenon.

Since the active school politicians were young, idealistic people, there was a need for a comprehensive theory, that would give structure to the issues at hand, adding an aspect that can be observed through the approach of the history of ideas. In Finland, the political atmosphere of the '70s was favourable for radical ideas. Many opinion-makers of the student movement had experienced a political awakening along with the revolutionary student movement. The youth activist belonged to the reform-demanding post-war generations, and this study established that this was a phenomenon explaining the formation of the student movement.

A neighbour of the socialist super power, Finland's foreign policy situation was a factor promoting the atmosphere which favoured the growth of radical ideologies.

Expressly pro-youth in his ideas, President Urho Kekkonen's active participation in the cultural debate also contributed to this. The crisis of generation hegemony and the suitable atmosphere caused a confrontation between the mainstream and the counter cultures. The world and experiences of the post-war generation were completely different from those who had seen World War 11. The crisis of generation hegemony, combined with the favourable atmosphere, have much more weight ,in explaining the spread of the revolutionary student movement than the frustration theory and the associated narcissism. However, the latter- phenomenon was also associated with the experiences of the student movement, advocating school democracy: in their

pursuit to create a democratic school, they felt they were doing something that had global historical impact.

The Finnish school policy debate lead to a radical confrontation between Teiniliitto and the teacher Organisation. Most of the social debate in the early '70s took place with the use of left-wing terminology, whereas the debate in the '80s was increasingly following the rhetoric of the market forces. In schools, the terminology of the market forces was introduced along with the management-by-results ideology. It is sometimes said in a very pointed way, that in those days in Finland there was room for only one type of rhetoric at a time. School teaching and education inspired feelings, which the parties tried to channel to their own benefit, a factor that contributed to the poignant character of the school discourse.

The school council system constituted a part of social education at the schools, and the purpose was to develop the pupils into active participants of a democratic society and responsible decision-makers. The grammar-school council system, with its premise of equality and democracy, gave the school pupil movement the opportunity to reach for more power in school-internal issues. According to the critics of the new system, it was an excess that the cross-voting system gave the students the opportunity to elect not only their own representatives, but also the teacher representatives. Another reason for the spreading dissatisfaction was the emphasis of the party-political aspect in the school council elections. In the political turmoil, it was easy to forget the main objective of school work.

Similar to the grammar school council, the main task of the comprehensive school council, was to implement school democracy. Teiniliitto was strongly advocating the view according to which the school councils of the upper level of the comprehensive school should follow the example of the grammar school councils, as far as the mode of election was concerned. According to Teiniliitto, the student and teacher representatives would be elected through a vote, and there would be no need for parent representatives. However, the school councils at the upper level of the comprehensive school maintained a system, whereby only two pupil representatives could attend the meetings, with the right to speak, but not to vote. The modest powers of the comprehensive school councils frustrated many members of this administrative body. Due to the predominantly centralised administrative culture, most of the power was exercised by central municipal administrations, the Provincial Government school departments and the National Board of Education.

Contemporary to the rise of the school democracy wave, there was a significant increase in centralised administration and planning volumes. The trend was pointing towards a planned society. Planning tasks at the Ministry of Education, National Board of Education, Provincial Government school departments and municipal school administrations were increased, the number of personnel multiplied and the number of administrative tasks grew. The centralised mode of operation could seem feasible when a comprehensive reform of the national-level basic teaching and grammar school system were being implemented. Once the new organisation had been created, studies revealing the problems of the uniform, national curriculum of the comprehensive school and those associated with the implementation of the objectives of the school council reform, led to gradually increasing decentralisation. The trend was promoted by new management doctrines such as "management-by-objectives" or "management-by-results". The outcome in Finland resembled that of other Nordic countries: most of the issues related to compulsory education were to be decided at the municipal level. The change in the schools was a consequence of the trends taken by the super-ideologies at the society level. In other words, local representative democracy was strengthened during the high tide of school democracy, while management-by-results made participatory democracy hit rock bottom.

The victory of the teacher organisation in the cross-voting dispute lead to the growing prestige of the Teachers' Union, OAJ. The union was also successful in the process which had started from issues relating to peaceful school working conditions. OAJ used the media to promote its interests, and achieved the adoption of smaller teaching groups. Due to the influence exercised by the teacher members elected to the school boards, these bodies assumed positive importance for the teaching staff. Another reason for the success in the pursuit of the teacher interests was the fact that the Organisation could exercise a unified force. To a much larger extent than in any other European country, the Finnish teachers reached a unified consensus in their organisation. Almost all employees in the teaching branch were members of the same organisation. The success of OAJ in the fight for power discussed in the present work was a part of the post-war development process during which the influence of unions increased.

Since the implementation of school democracy had an essential impact on the working conditions of teachers, it is not surprising that most of the texts published on school democracy have been written by teachers or persons linked to the teaching profession. In terms of quantity, one professional group has had a major influence on the picture conveyed of school democracy as a historical phenomenon. In a critical treatment, we therefore have to give sufficient weight to the opinions expressed by tax payers, students and their parents.

The most active part of Teiniliitto, or the minority communist school student movement, tried to change the power structure of the Finnish compulsory school. Through the change of the schools, the movement aimed to reform society. It is justified to ask whether our previous historical experience reveals any phenomenon comparable to this pursuit for power.

One parallel can be found in the so-called Fennoman students of the 19th century who acted upon the plea of the low status of the Finnish-speaking common people. The enthusiasm of the Stalinist students when they spoke about the exploited status of the working class was equal to that of the Fennoman students, when they were defending the Finnish-speaking commoners. A rapprochement with the people took place, an ideal of national unification advocated during the nationalist era by the Fennomans, Akateeminen Karjala-Seura (the Academic Karelia Society) and Vapauden Akateeminen Liitto (Academic Federation for Freedom). In the '70s, the rapprochement, or getting closer to the people, took place in another form. As an object of identification, the working man replaced the peasant. In both cases-however the ideological aspects used as

the motivation for political activities were associated with the pursuit of political power.

This study showed that the objective of the school democracy movement was to increase equality, defined as the generation change of the social strata structure. During the school democracy wave, however, it became obvious that the education system remained a power that conserved the existing structures which maintained inequality. In this regard, school democracy was a disappointment for those social forces, which hoped to use it for increased social equality.

The issue of education organised, as a part of social policy was linked to the question of to what extent society should follow the planned economy model or the market economy model. During the period studied in this work, it was the market economy model that progressed. The political activity of the school students collapsed along with the calming down of the democracy wave. However, the school democracy phenomenon had left its mark on the exercise of power inside the schools. As concerned the internal atmosphere of the schools, the development had changed the community from what it used to be in the 60's when it all started. Traditional and modem elements had combined in a new way.

[emphasis added]

Germany

(Federal Republic of Germany)

1.) Germany, General

The school-councils in Germany are a result of pupil’s strikes at the end of the 1960’s, which lead to a “politicisation and critical consciousness”. Addressed were especially the values of the adults. Their resource were neo-marxist models and theory, which advocated a society without repression and oppression of desires and emotions. The Schuelermitverantwortung (SMV)(pupil’s co-responsibility) was in place in West-germany since the birth of the post Nazi, Federal Republic, and was legally secured. But until 1968 the SMV was only marginally significant. This led to a reform on the federal conference of the Ministers for Culture of each state in October 1968, which led to the birth of the pupil’s representatives

The participation of pupil’s representatives is required at conferences of the teachers, under specific conditions. The support of individual pupils, if they so wish, can be carried out by the pupil’s representatives, under consideration of the law, hereby especially in cases of disciplinary action and complaints. The representatives must be given the right to examine all edicts and decisions of the school governors, as far as they are relevant for pupils. There should be regular meetings on themes of contemporary school matters, between the school management and the representatives of the pupils. The representatives should also be part of the planning and shaping of the curriculum.”

[own translation] following Schultze & Führ (1973) p. 158f

The following texts are available if needed but require full translation into English from Kranz, 1987: Deutsche Erziehungsgeschichte 1945-85 in Quellen und Dokumenten (history of the German education in sources and documents 1945-85), Peter Lang Verlag, Frankfurt, 1987:

1968 Text of decision of reform of SMV at the conference of the misisters for culture

1973 Amendment to the Above

1983 Jung Socialists: Call for Strike Action to Pupils, by the Youth Section of the Social Democratic Party (JUSO) in support of disarmament of nuclear weapons.

1983 Reply to the above by the pupils administration

1974//9686/: School administration Law North Rhine Westphalia: The pupil’s school administration law.

Is available at http://stargate.hpi.de/~rim/schuge.htm

“Most of the secondary schools in Germany have student councils, but sometimes interest wanes and they are discontinued. At two comprehensive schools with student councils, there had been no interest for several years, but it was revived again; at a third school there remained insufficient interest to have as student council. At other schools, there was insufficient interest to have a student council. At other school councils there was much interest and their representatives took part in national student conferences and school councils, consisting of teacher, parent and student representatives. At one school they organised social events and discussed issues such as how to keep drugs and violence out of the school At another school the council “raised money for kids in Bosnia and collected candles and things to go in boxes in Bosnia. They also organised a demonstration “Against the Gulf War (3/3/95)” At another school, students enthusiastically reported, “it organised the demonstration against violence.,” “we went to the first conference in Germany of Children to Save the Environment, and several other representatives went to a conference in Geneva of Kids for Europe. Last year’s school president went to the [non-governmental] conference in Rio, on the environment.” A boy in a lower ability class in that school was not so impressed with the student council, and described it as “mostly eco females (5/18/93).

[…]

German students in 1986 for the most part indicated a high level of political interest, but their counterparts in 1993-95 reported less interest. Both samples reported low efficacy, doubting that citizens have much influence on policy making. Nevertheless, German students reported that they would definitely exercise their right to vote, and they were well informed about public affairs. Both the school curriculum and the political culture were characterised by political discourse. Yet in observing the media and events around them, many young Germans came to the conclusion that average citizens have little effect on political decision making”

Taken from Hahn 1998 p. 97

2.) Germany, State of Baaden-Würtenberg

Castle Salem Boarding School was set up by the Prince Max von Baden and the politician Kurt Hahn, in 1920. It is situated at Bodensee, in the German state of Baaden- Würtenberg (expelled by Hitler Hahn was later to set up the British Salem Schools in Scotland). The school has a total of 500 pupils from year eight to eleven. Their school curriculum is attached to the one of the State of Baaden-Wuertenberg[17]. Pupils need to participate in community work for at least one afternoon each week and there is a great emphasis on sports, as well as on the performing arts, music and literature. Two to four pupils live in a room in a building of 15-25 pupils guided by a mentor.

“IV. Pupil’s Co-Responsibility (pp. 117-120)[own translation]

One can see the clearest example of a change in the school policy from its early years to the current situation in the way pupils can participate. Kurt Hahn and Prince Max von Baden believed , that during the 1st World War, German Intellectuals had failed, especially because of lack of character… The most important thing SALEM had to achieve, would be citizenship education. Politics was seen as an attribute of morality and hence ethical behaviour should grow a permanent character feature… Within this sphere pupils had great freedom for free decision-making… The responsibilities and offices taught life in society, but they were also used to teach moral, self-discipline and were training ground for the virtues of citizenship…. Only those succeeded in “Old Salem’s” hierarchy, who featured their own, independent behaviour, … and who could warrant that the principles of SALEM would not take damage in honour and ideology. Hahn desired a classless aristocracy of dedication, an example of responsible service to the community. This was seen as being rational, because there was no question, as to the integrity, the goodwill, and the understanding of the schools leaders. But these ideas contradicted the ideology of the political understanding of the Federal Republic of Germany. It suffered through the protest and hostility of the pupils, who, based on the experiences with the Nazis, thought anti-authoritarian, and who questioned traditions. Hence a very hefty debate started in the 1960’s regarding the democratisation and extension of the pupils’ co-responsibility. … The demand was for a plebeian and parliamentary organisation, for which pupils’ representatives were necessary. This conflict reached its peak in 1970s with a two-day strike of all pupils… This led to the end of the aristocratic state of dignitaries, and according to the principle of trial/error, they developed a democracy of checks and balances. …. There is in the new constitution more participation, equality of chances, and more transparency. The basis of legitimisation and values has changed but the worst nightmares of badly chosen and incompetent pupil electorates and that decision would be made ad hoc and to favour specific groups has not been confirmed. From conflicts on the usage of the school buses, to questions of admission of individual students, pupils are now taking part in all major decisions concerning the shaping of the school and its values. Now the difficulties and frustrations of political and societal operations become evident., such as negotiation skills, questions of interest, welfare of all, and the protection of minorities. Spetzgarts[18] new co-operative democracy works because of its openness, and because the purpose of the participation is before the pupils eyes. This has also led to a revived interest in the old dignitary positions and in the work for the (schools) parliament. The new system has retained the greater balance of power of the teachers and mentors [in numbers] against the pupils, however its consequence are hard disputes, that demonstrate that attempts to manipulate and to silently omit the other are no longer tolerated.[19] The governor has not used his/her Veto yet , which remains today as in the old days, and the debates between teachers and pupils in parliament and other committees, are not confrontational. The socially bound education towards responsibility, suggested by Hahn, has now been extended to an education towards maturity, which is putting its greatest emphasis to the autonomous , and conscientious ability of decision making.

taken from: Michel Knoll : Salem, in Röhrs (Ed) (1986) pp 113-120 [own translation]

3.) Germany, State of Bavaria

14th of Feb 2000, 1800

Dear Daniel,

We received your email request dated Monday, February 14, 2000 4:41 PM Subject: school-councils Bavaria, and we'd like to offer our sincere thanks to you for writing to us.

As you possibly know, regarding school students unions' rights and/or influence Bavaria is some kind of developing country - at least compared to other regions in Germany or other states in Europe.

The following text will all be about the pupils' rights and representation at the "Gymnasium" (grammar school). In every class, once a year the pupils elect their "Klassensprecher" (spokes/wo/man of the class), who elect the (most commonly) 3 "Schuelersprecher" (spokesmen of the school). Twice a year all the Schuelersprecher" of the regions in Bavaria gather in an official assembly ("Bezirksaussprachetagung") [Regional “Expression“ Congress] to discuss schools policy, posing petitions or motions towards the government or the ministry and to elect the "Bezirksschuelersprecher" (spokes/wo/men of the region's schools). In the Bavarian school laws, there is no real decision power allowed to pupils. The word Schuelermitverwaltung" (co-administration by school students) was weakened to the expression "Schuelermitverantwortung" (co-responsibility by school students) some decades ago. Real participation of pupils inside the important places is still a not yet reached goal of our policy. Hence, in the early 80s, some "Bezirksschuelersprecher" founded the Landesschuelervertretung - Landesvereinigung der bayerischen Bezirksschuelersprecher e. V." (LSV) (Association of the state’s (of Bavaria) pupil’s spokes/wo/men) as an private association due to the lack of such an institution inside the Bavarian school laws. That's a characteristic Bavarian problem :-). Due to this regulation, there's no official money, budget or whatever spent by the state or the government. Therefore the possibilities and the influence of the LSV are quite negligible, but let's compare it to the little village in the Asterix's comic books - a small but engaged and highly motivated group of democratic idealists is still trying to keep one feet or at least one toe in the ministry's (conservative – Christian Social Union - CSU)doors in order not to toe the line. If you have any further questions on our school system, our representation of pupils, ... don't hesitate to contact

us.

Yours sincerely,

Oli Manger oli.manger@lsv-by.de

secretary (law) and cashier of the LSV Bavaria

Extracts of relevant section of the Bavarian education law are available, but would have to be translated into English , at http://www.launet.baynet.de/ppg/smv/noframes/aufgaben

4.) Germany, State of Saarland

Michael Schreiber, secretary, union of school council (99/00), former chair (98/99) in Saarland

Telephone Conversation with Daniel Zylbersztajn, 16-Feb-2000

Tel 49-881398177

TRANSCRIPT

There are ca. 100+ schools in Saarland. He said that they felt the school council’s impact in all spheres. On state level they successfully lobbied with Min. of Culture (Saarland). Said that prev. Min. of Culture was better because he was a lawyer which gave him neutrality. The current one is a teacher, so he is biased. .Said that the combined state wide school councils had successfully demonstrated in the past through the umbrella union of school councils in Saarland. When asked what school council achieved for the ordinary non involved pupil, he mentioned a new campaign entitled 200.000 experts, which they just launched. It has at its core the argument that 200k pupils are at school every day, hence the pupils should be the ones consulted in reforms. In school governance, pupils’ state wide have equal representation and votes as the other members (teachers and parents), except the principal, who has a veto right.

He felt the weakest area was in terms of [bad] marks given by teachers. There is little that could be done in this respect, he explained, other than give advise to the pupils to keep records. In terms of ordinary things they would organise parties, theatre plays, and other activities in order to make some money for the council’s activities. He also mentioned a state wide annual pupil’s conference, organised by the state wide union of councils, which can be attended by any pupil, representative member of a council or not. At the last meeting approximately 100 pupils attended. He mentioned that in 1996/7 there was a big dispute on structures of the student councils in Germany, with half of the national councils deciding to be more political and the other half to stay strictly with the educational remit. Saarland decided to be strictly representational in educational and left the national federal council. He also mentioned that there were great differences in the way the school councils were allowed to operated, depending on the parties ruling each state (and hence the ministry of culture of a state works in accordance to party lines). He said that as opposed to Saarland, conservatively (CSU – Christian Social Union) governed Bavaria would not have a state wide union of school councils. This would make them structurally much weaker. Michael mentioned that the state has seen former leaders of school councils evolve into politicians, such as Member of the Bundestag (MdB) (German parliament) Willi Kreuter. He told me that some political parties above all the SPD (Social Democratic Party = Labour) invested in sending information to the councils. He personally favoured the SPD, because they were more sympathetic with their concerns. We also spoke about other countries. He mentioned that his girl-friend would be Chilean and that he had written a paper on the school council in Chile, which he would try to send me. He said they were not working very well yet there

GREECE

NAMIBIA

Outline (editor). After gaining independence and the end of apartheid Namibia introduced her first educational reform in 1991, the educational administration, historically rigid and authoritarian, has been in transformation since. Some of the models and ideas have been taken from exile schools, such as the SWAPO school in Congo, whose programme was marked by a mixture of both revolutionary socialism, anti-colonial and anti-apartheid ideology, and doctrines of democracy and rights for the people (SWAPO 1987).

“ Rigid top down Steering (in schools) was changed to participatory management. Teaching and learning were from teacher led and content centred to participatory and learner centred-education… Such a change however can come about only by learning through experience of the new structures, against the culture of entrenched hierarchy. An understanding of what democracy is, and can be, takes time. The incident of the secondary student urinating on the teacher’s shoes illustrates the extreme end of a scale of misunderstanding of what learner-centred education involves, an overreaction to the relaxation of authorianism… (p. 10)[20]

It is still usual for the school principal to dominate school boards. Student Representative Councils are caught in the contradiction of a supposed democratic organ situated in an organisation with little real power sharing. Nonetheless the entire educational system of Namibia is undergoing experimental learning about democracy, I and through democracy. (p. 11)”

Taken from Raoger Avenstrup: The democratisation of education in Post Apartheid Namibia. In Harber (1998), pp 7-16

References above:

SWAPO of Namibia and The Namibia Association of Norway: Provisional Guiding Curriculum for Loudima Secondary Technical School, 1987.

Netherlands

“In the Netherlands, one student at an agricultural school explained: "No, we don't have a student government, but we do have a school newspaper. You can write letters, but just a few do it. It's mostly poems and drawings." At the pre-university school, students were not elected to the student council, but rather volunteered. They had talked with the teachers and obtained implementation of policies, such as no more than five tests in one week, and they organised buses to take students to a strike against education cuts. At a junior general secondary school (mavo) a student council existed only In 1995, thanks to the encouragement of one teacher. At the time of my visit they had been talking about having sodas in machines, that would be available during the breaks. However, a year later the council had died out again.

[…]

At one junior general secondary school in the Netherlands, one student reported that, "before Easter, we raised money to go to Foster Parents, the Red Cross, and UNICEF. You get people like friends and neighbours to sponsor you to swim or bicycle or something for some distance. We raised ten thousand guilders [approximately three thousand dollars]." But at the other schools in the Netherlands, students did not mention charities.

[…].The Dutch samples indicated … low levels of political interest; and very few said they ever discussed politics or current events with their friends. Further, they said they would not try to persuade others to their point of view out of respect for each person's right to their own opinion. Dutch students observed similar attitudes and experiences among adults in the culture around them.”
Taken from Hahn 1998 p. 97

Norway

Prof. Svein Lorentzen, Norway touches the issue of pupils’ participation in the community, and not directly the one on school-councils. But together with the contribution under Norway II they complete the knowledge on the Norwegian experience.

Emphasis added

“Norway has until the last two decades been a rather homogeneous, egalitarian society… Standards and values have only recently been questioned. The compulsory, public school system is more than 250 years old. The Public School Act of 1889 was a major step towards the Scandinavian model of an egalitarian public school, where socialisation for democratic participation is overall goal for the school as a whole. Citizenship education has never been taught as a separate discipline, but as an integrated part of number of school subjects. … . In spite of the good intentions, the public school of Norway has a long way to go before the ambitious goals of citizenship are fulfilled. The main obstacles are:

- difficulties in defining a field so integrated in a number of school subjects.

- Lack of satisfactory textbooks.

- Lack of co-operation between school and the local community institutions.

Weaknesses within teacher education.

[…]

Norway is to be characterised as a rather homogeneous, egalitarian society; politically, socially and economically. Our recent history is the history of establishing a national identity, and a search for common standards and values. In this process the uniting factors have been nourished, while the dividing ones have been softened or suppressed. This is the framework to have in mind when we are to describe and explain our tradition of citizenship education within the Norwegian public school system. […]

The compulsory, public school system in Norway is more than 250 years old. […] Besides a temporary national curriculum issued in 1960, Norway has so far had two national curriculum guidelines after the Second World War, the first in 1974 and the present in 1985/87. When the word "guidelines" is used, it is because these documents have changed radically in structure since the first national curriculum in 1939. Whereas the first one was very specific and detailed in instructing the schools what and how to teach, the new curriculum guidelines give a broad, compulsory framework for the schools. Within this framework, the schools themselves decide how in detail to organise their teaching to reach the national goals set for the school as a whole and for the various subjects… The guidelines are the final results of a long and complicated political and educational process, where a large number of participants try to influence the result. … outstanding committee work had been carried out as early as the first part of the 1960s. (Public School Committee of 1963). This work included several parts specifying the need for citizen’s education, with special regard to what the committee called "exercises in practical democracy." (pp. II 5-116):

"The Committee will underline that our sovereignty and democratic way of life to a very large extent depends on that so many as possible feel responsibility for the society they are living in. It is also an assumption that all people or most of them have certain experiences, when it comes to decision-making in society, and that they have the attitude of being loyal to a majority vote, at the same time as one should show respect for a minority's opinion. Such attitudes and abilities are difficult to establish merely through orientation and discussion. This calls for experience. Therefore, the school must be organised in a way that eventually gives the pupils the experience of making decisions in cases of common interest, and that the whole school society must function on a basis of democracy." (Author's translation).

Founded on these principles, the curriculum guidelines of 1974 strongly advocated citizenship education through participation. This was to affect all teaching and social activity in school. Among the various school subjects, the relatively new, interdisciplinary field of social studies was given a major role within citizenship education. The curriculum guidelines also included an optional topic called helping service, where the pupils could take an active part in the social services of the local community. […]. In 1985 (revised in 1987), new curriculum guidelines were published, still with a strong (but not similar) emphasis on citizenship education. […] A related perspective that is heavily stressed in the guidelines of 1987, is the one of direct pupil participation in local community activities. For the first time, the national curriculum guidelines define this perspective as a compulsory field of education… The goals are broad and ambitious: allow the pupils to experience how they function as responsible partners in contact and co-operation with adults inside and outside the school.

As a conclusion we might say the public schools of Norway have the following visions for their citizenship education: a school that plays an active part in society, where the pupils can be socialised through participation and experience; and a school where the pupils through responsibility grow to independence and maturity, ready to engage in democracy as critical, but constructive citizens.
So much for the ideals. What about reality? Are the pupils really given the necessary knowledge, skills and attitudes for this heavy task? Are they really free to practice their growing insight and competence as the curriculum guidelines prescribe? The answer must - at least to some extent - be negative. During the last two decades, much good work has been done at the administrative as well as the classroom level. Nevertheless, citizenship education in Norway has still some way to go, before we are justified in saying that we have fulfilled the curriculum goals”.

Taken from Svein Lorentzen: Democracy through Participation: a Norwegian Model for 'Citizenship Education, in Edwards, Munn & Fogelman (1994)

“The Norwegian example is rather different, consisting of a booklet, which is distributed to upper secondary students, which provides guidance on, for example, how students should take responsibility for their own learning and the role of student councils and class representatives… “ (Fogelman)

“The student councils should maintain an ongoing discussion throughout the school year concerning how to give pupils greater influence at schools” The Guide, National Council for Educational Resources 1994 (Oslo, Norway), quoted in Fogelman

Taken from: K. Fogelman: Education for Democratic Citizenship in Schools, in Bridges D., Education, Autonomy and Democratic Citizenship

PORUGAL

The current Portuguese school management system was introduced in 1974, following the April Revolution. As is declared in the Bill that created it, the new democratic school management system should be both an ideal of a democratic society, and simultaneously, to build such a society. (p. 128)

[..] In a context of change, the new school management system became a strategy to facilitate and reinforce democracy at school. Democracy implied participation, and, for a change to be effective, it was felt that teachers and students should be involved in the process of change and that appropriate structures of participation had to be created. There are two distinct models of school management, which have emerged, corresponding to two different realities: primary and secondary schools. Both have in common the direct participation of staff in the choice of their school leader through election…. At secondary level the … school depend hierarchically and functionally upon central services. Within schools, there are three management structures: the directive board, the pedagogical board, and the administrative board.

The Directive Board is constituted by 3-5 teachers (depending on the number of students..), one member from non-teaching staff, and one student from class delegates (in high school only). All members are elected by their peers…

The Pedagogical Board is constituted by representatives from the different organisational groups in the school: the president of the directive board, who presides, the curriculum area delegates, the tutors’ co-ordinators, one student from each year and course (in high schools only), the teacher trainer (if there is one), and a representative from the consulting council, This council was recently created and is constituted by representatives from parents associations, local council authorities, students’ association, and other people working at school….

The administrative Board is constituted by the president and the secretary of the directive board and the chief of school’s administrative service.

The Pedagogical Board: is responsible for the definition of the school educational policy, for organisation of teachers’ continuing education, and for the relationships between schools and family, or school and community. There are other organisational structures, namely the parents’ association and the students’ association.

Editors note: Maria de Carmo Climaco finishes her essay by stating that the results of the attempts to democratise schools have not been far reaching. There is a mixture of curriculum centred, teacher centred, and some student centred schools in the country. “Participation is not an obvious experience, and has to be learnt.” De Carmo Climaco gives no real evidence of student empowerment except in the description of student centred institutions, which as stated are only part of the schools in Portugal (in 1989):

“In student centred institutions, the school is organised and responds to students’ needs and aims to promote student participation in different aspects of school life, as a process of education. Emphasis is given to processes, not to contents. “

Maria de Carmo Climaco: Managing and monitoring Democratisation Policy, in Jensen and Walker (1989), pp. 128-138

SOUTH AFRICA

“Under Apartheid schooling aimed to create a compliant citizenry, that would accept its lot in life, whether this meant whites not questioning the injustice of their privileged and protected position or Africans accepting the inevitability of their separate and second rate provision. This requires education that stressed obedience and passivity, and schools and classrooms reflected the authoritarian emphasis on mental and physical control…

[…] The first major white paper on education after the election 1994 made the aim of education for democracy very clear, stressing the need for an education that promoted equality based on human rights, co-operation, mutual respect and the skills of peaceful conflict management, moreover:

The curriculum, teaching methods and textbooks at all levels and in all

programmes of education and training, should encourage independent

and critical thought, the capacity to question, enquire, and reason weigh

evidence and form judgements, achieve understanding, recognise the

provisional nature of most human knowledge and communicate clearly

(South African Dept. of Education: White paper on Education and

Training, 199, p. 22)

… The South African School Act of 1996, which came into operation at the beginning of 1997, banned the use of corporal punishment…, and proclaimed that all public schools in South Africa must now have governing bodies, composed of parents, teachers, learners and non-teaching staff… - [stipulating, that] parents must be the majority. All secondary schools must also have an elected Representative Council of Learners, which must itself elect the learner, who will serve on the school’s governing board. Exact numbers on governing bodies are decided at provincial level, but in Gauteng, for example, a secondary school with under 630 pupils will have 7 parents, 2 teachers, 2 students, 1 member from non-teaching staff, and the principal – 13 in all (Gauteng Education Act 1997) (Harber p.19f.).

… Gauteng has provided something of a model [for democratic education in South Africa]and in 1997 spent some 4 million rand trying to ensure that the new structures will be successful. It has appointed a co-ordinator to oversee the development of rules for the new governing bodies and the process of electing them. A provincial youth and culture team was also established whose sole responsibility was to make sure that learner representative councils were established by March 1997. Two hundred secondary schools were asked to identify a suitable teacher who was trained on what LRCs are, and how to hold elections. These teachers will also be responsible for training other teachers on how to hold elections. The department co- ordinating the implementation of the new governing bodies is also running workshops on such matters as how to chair meetings and take minutes as well as programmes on conflict resolution and participative decision-making. Other provinces have already approached Gauteng for help in this regard which is not surprising as nationally there seems to have been considerable parent apathy about elections to the governing bodies… In contrast, students seem to have been taking part eagerly. There are also likely to be problems with teachers in all types of schools where it will be difficult to change the apartheid mindset of reliance on orders from above, due to the absence of an)- degree of decentralised authority. .. (Harber p.21)

Above extracts were taken from: Clive Harber: Educational Reform and Education for Democracy in the South Africa: School Governance and the Curriculum, in Harber (1998), pp. 17-26

Editor’s notes: Grosvernor Girls High School (abbreviated GGHS), founded as a state school in 1957, has been an elitist school in the centre of Apartheid, with a domination of “white” students. She states explicitly that in apartheid South Africa, few if any “Learner Representative Councils” existed, with pupils participation a rarity. The more significant are the governor’s attempts to democratise the school in the spirit of Free South Africa with a programme that imitates the South African parliamentary reforms with the steps of “restructuring, renewal and reconciliation.” In doing so she explained that she experienced the same problems as the whole country, inside the school.

Extracts:

“The school has established its own code of conduct. These were now owned by all. The shared core values have formed the foundations on which everything is build and assessed at GGHS. All behaviours are measured against them. Any suggestion for change … is weighed against the values – those ideas in conflict with our values are rejected; those in support of our values are considered in consultation with everyone: parents, staff, and the girls. This has taught the girls that in a democracy one may not always get what one wants. The girls have also learnt that a democratic form of governance takes time, as consultation with all parties through the use of the correct channels is a necessary part of the process. This insight has led to greater understanding of the process. Old relationships fraught with suspicion were being replaced with relationships built on trust and mutual respect.

At the beginning of 1997, the Learners Representative Council (L.R.C.) had its first democratically elected chair whose role was separate from that of the head girl. The L.R.C. wrote its own constitution and at its fortnightly meetings started to address more weightier issues than before, viz., learner rights and responsibilities, the issue of pregnant learners, religious observance in schools, and matters of discipline. Learner representation at governing body level allowed for input by learners in policy decisions and active participation in several task groups. Amendments have been made to the code of conduct to keep it in line with new legislation - a task seen to by the L.R.C. executive. The girls were definitely learning to enter the debate and, in so doing, were making a valuable contribution to the democratic governance of the school. The girls take their role on the L.R.C. most seriously and are committed to attaining an effective forum for learner voice.

Girls, their teachers and parents have all indicated the kind of school that they want G.G.H.S. to be, and so everyone has a responsibility to make that future a reality. Co-operative relationships and new partnerships have developed. There is a new vision and purpose, one which belongs to all. This has, without doubt, engendered a reconciliatory spirit in our school.

The beginnings of a 'new- history' unfold each day through the practice of democratic principles to which G.G.H.S. is now committed. Performance and relationships have improved and G.G.H.S. is certainly a far more effective school now as a result. “

The above extracts were taken from Anne Welgemoed: Democratising a School in south Africa, in Harber (1998), pp. 37-47

SWEDEN

Some information on the Swedish voting systems in the school council, please see Finland (Kärenlampi)

The extract following has been taken from Peter Eklundh Education for Democracy: Some Notes on the Swedish Case in a Piagetian Epistemology Tradition

Department of Political Science, Lund University, Box 52 221 00 Lund, Sweden

Almost all Swedish politicians since 1960 honestly believe in the necessity to give pupils real influence over their schools. The first aim with this paper is to give them some sound theoretical support for their conviction that experience of democratic processes is one important precondition for the survival of democracy. The theoretical,

support is drawn from researchers inspired by Piaget's epistemology. The second aim is to summarise, in spite of the politicians strong support, the lack of progress and interest in giving more influence to the pupils from the different professional groups inside the school system. Finally the consequences for the concept democracy is discussed with emphasis on the cognitive dissonance between the politicians explicit goal and the implicit experiences made by pupils. [… ]

Background

The curriculum for the Swedish compulsory school came into existence in 1962 - 120 years after the first compulsory elementary schools in Sweden started in 1842. Originating with 'His Most Merciful Majesty's decree'(1842), the education of children became an obligation and every town and parish had to set up a school. The school was a matter of local responsibility, mainly the church, and there was no curriculum…. The state controlled schools through the use of teacher training and by making sure that only textbooks approved by the state were used. In due course specific state plans were issued, and in 1919 an educational plan for elementary schools of the Realm was outlined. The first curriculum was introduced when the compulsory school was extended to nine years in 1962. This contained, as did later curricula, general goals and guidelines, timetables and a detailed syllabus. Schools were still a local responsibility, but the church lost its power. Teacher education remained the responsibility of the state and so did the approval of textbooks. After 1990 this inspection authority was formally dismissed and local authorities - politically appointed school-boards and professional headmasters - received absolute power and responsibility for the schools. Teacher education, however, is still the responsibility of the state:

Children's Social and Economics Education :

[…] A great deal of academic effort - at least in Sweden - has during the last few years proceeded towards finding the correct definitions of terms such as didactic, methods and pedagogics …

[…]

The. introduction of the new curriculum in Sweden does not only emphasise democracy, it also introduces much greater possibilities for students to select courses among a vast number of subjects.

The impact of civics education

A small number of Swedish political scientist have conducted research on the efficacy of democratic education. One example is 'Education and the Making of the Informed Citizen: Political Literacy and the Outside World' (1990) by the Swedes, Anders Westholrn and Ame Lundquist and the American Richard G. Niemi. Their essay is published in Political Socialisation, Citizenship Education, and Democracy (Ichilov, 1990), and begins with the minimum requirements for citizenship competence and its minimum thresholds depending on if you are arguing for a 'participated' or an 'elite' democracy. Their essay focuses on the individual in order to tie the effects of civics education to political development of children and adolescents' (p 178)….

[…]

[…] The Swedish 'Power-Study'

Many situations are such that citizens themselves are able to participate and affect the outcome. The results of the'Power Study' (SOU, 1990:44) demonstrate that the actual perceived possibility of citizens to affect outcomes varies greatly between different individual role patterns and different citizens…[…] In the above study, school was perceived to be the institution least effected by the influence of the six roles under investigation, resident, consumer, patient, parent of small children, parent of school-age children, and employees. In spite of general goals that aim towards increasing the local influence of those who attend schools, parents perceive the world of the school as being beyond their influence. (p. 239, my translation)

[…]

Since Sweden's late transition to democracy around 1920, a growing number of politicians from socialists to conservatives have agreed on the importance of education in 'Civics'. … . One of the core arguments for the importance of Civics has of course been that the school has a responsibility to prepare its pupils for a democratic life as adults. Until now the emphasis has been on teaching constitutions, formal parliament procedure, national and local government, election systems etc. With the beginning of the educational reform period of the Swedish educational system in the fifties, a discussion started that questioned, whether formal democratic education was sufficient to internalise democratic values in the next generation. Did not pupils need their own direct experience of democracy at work? As a result, all the National Curricula for compulsory as well as secondary or voluntary schools (1962, 1969, 1980 and 1994), have increasingly started to underline the need for pupil participation in the decision making processes in their schools. The National Curricula in Sweden are decided by the Government after approval of Parliament, as such they are not only overall goals and guidelines but also detailed timetables and syllabuses.

As many social scientists have pointed out, the 'Swedish Model' has a tendency to aim towards consensus. This has been especially true for educational policies, at least up until the beginning of this decade…[…]

Unresolved political conflicts are manifest in Sweden when it comes to grading, teaching and instruction practice, content in subjects or 'equality in recourses or equality in results', … At the same time, however, there has been and still is an authentic and genuine consensus among the politicians that:

“The activities of the school must be run along democratic principles and prepare pupils for active participation in civic life. It shall develop the pupil's ability to take personal responsibility”. (SOU, 1992a: 59 (summary) and later Government Bill, 1992/93:220). Continuing on the same lines, the Government and the Parliament argue that:

“The democratic principles of being able to influence, take responsibility and being involved shall embrace all pupils. Development of pupil's knowledge and social awareness presupposes, that they take increasingly greater responsibility and are able to exercise real influence on the school activity ... The teacher shall work on the basis that pupils are able and willing to take personal responsibility for their learning and work in school and make sure that all pupils irrespective of sex, social and cultural background have real influence over the way in which work is done, how it is done and the content of teaching and that " influence increases with age and maturity

(ibid.)”

Tanzania

“In interviews carried out by the writer in two schools in Tanzania with functioning school councils in 1992, it was noted by both, staff and pupils, that they felt that participation, apart from them being improving certain aspects of school management, had helped to develop responsibility, confidence, problem solving through discussion, and friendlier and more co-operative environment.”

Clive Harber (1994), referring to schools developed under Julius Nyerere’s plan: Education for Self Reliance (1967), Dar El Salaam.

Possible source (needs to be ordered if required): Lwe Habura: School Effectiveness and Education for Self-reliance in Tanzania. PhD Thesis, University of Birmingham (1993)

United States of America

1.) USA General

“In the United States, all of the schools that I visited had student councils. At the Massachusetts school, students gave speeches and students voted on the officers and council members. One student explained: "They do dances. They run homecoming, a volleyball tournament, and if the clubs want to do any fundraising they have to go through them." (3/27/95) At one California school, Margie explained, "They plan dances and activities like the Secret Santa lunch to make the campus better" (12115195). At another California high school with a major student activities program, I visited the day candidates for student body officers (president, vice president, and secretary) gave speeches in the gym before the election. Several candidates promised to improve "school spirit," while others pledged to improve multicultural week, work on a recycling pro- gram, and "have a task force to reduce the generation gap between teachers and students." The officers meet in the mornings before school starts with a legislative council composed of students appointed from the freshman, sophomore, junior, and senior classes. The officers, council members, and representatives from various activities such as the school newspaper, yearbook, pep squad, band, and Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC)-some eighty-five students in all-meet in a daily "leadership class." The leadership class organises morning assemblies, lunch activities and after-school rallies. Its members also discuss proposed changes in school policy, such as one dealing with attendance. Also, they sponsor fund-raising activities to help finance homecoming, the prom, and teacher appreciation week. Interestingly, a goal of this extensive student activity program is to bring students together from diverse ethnic groups and to bridge their different interests. Clubs and sports also give opportunities for some students to develop leadership skills as well as meet student interest through some extracurricular activity. With regard to belonging to school clubs, fewer than 20 percent … American students said they had never belonged to school clubs in 1993. In the American high schools, many students reported participating in before-and after-school activities: band, orchestra, a vast array of sports teams, and groups that perform dances or flag presentations at sports events as well as clubs such as speech and debate, Model UN, Mock Trial, and Amnesty International. In an ethnically diverse Missouri class, students said they also participated in community youth groups for Chinese, Indian (Asian), Jewish, and Christian students. Several belonged to city-wide organisations designed to bring students from various groups together and to work on community service projects

….some individual students had raised money for causes, such as being sponsored in a walk for AIDS, …

Government students in one American school district were given the option of doing a community service project or a more traditional research paper as a course requirement. Those who selected the community service option were to relate their volunteer work to discussion of local public policy.

[…]

The American students in the sample stand out for their comparatively high levels of political confidence and efficacy. They reported frequent discussions with friends during which they would try to persuade others to their view, and they cited both contemporary and historic examples of citizens influencing government decision making. Again, school and cultural messages are consistent in the ecology in which American youth construct their political worldview and their role in it.

”

Taken from Hahn 1998 pp. 96-102

USA I – State of Maryland

A Student Voice: Montgomery County Student Alliance, in Gross (1971) pp 147-160

USA – State of New York II

Sehr (1997)

Comments about Metropolitan High School (Sehr (97) examined two US. Schools Uptown H.S. and Metropolitan H.S (MHS) New York. These are extracts from the chapter entitled Student Control/Ownership at Metropolitan H.S., which includes extracts from interviews with pupils. Sehr contrasts positive points regarding control and ownership at the MHS with the lack of the same at Uptown High School:

“Freddy [Latino Male]: I think … the students have … a lot more input than they would have at any other school, where they would have no input… I mean we have an advisory group that meets , like where different students meet …And take what they want to the Student Committee, and then the teachers’ committee. So it’s like a very democratic process that everything is run in this school. I think if more people got involved, and really cared, we’d have, the students would have even more control than they do now. Like we have a lot. We do have tremendous control.

[…]

Carlos [Latino Male]: Little Groups of like eight students, they meet with a teacher. And they bring up a topic, or I there is something you have a complaint about. Then a member of that group takes it to the Student Committee – like there’s one student for each advisory goes to the student committee and brings up the issue. And Michael [one of the school directors] is there. And Michael… is … always quiet. It’s like just us talking… For example some girls complained about girls smoking in the girls’ bathroom. It took two or three complaints or something like that, and now they’re going to set up a smoke alarm… So, this is the process. You know.. anything can be done, … you know what is necessary for the school…

DS (author): So there are regular meetings with Michael like this?

Carlos: Once a week. And he has a staff meeting, which I think sometimes students a re allowed to sit in.

Larry [African American Male]: Students are allowed to sit in if the teachers aren’t talking about [individual] students…

Carlos: And you have as much power as [any of the teachers]. You can raise your hand and talk what you want, and complain or discuss, or whatever. …

Freddy: Yeah everybody gets equal.

Ali [African-American Female]: Um, also, it’s not even just like the student committees or whatever. Let’s say you might not be on the student committee. You can always go up to Michael or one of the teachers and say your complaint, or whatever… And.. the teachers here really care about you And one thing, they never gonna do is attack you personally. Maybe your ideas, you know, like in class and stuff. But here this school is very unique, because students definitely get a lot of control. A lot of control… Like at other schools, forget it! What you say is not important. You’re just a number on their computer and that’s it. But here they treat you like real people. Because you are a real person, actually…

Carlos: [there] was a [choice between] an amusement park and the dude ranch, and the staff had already decided that we are going to the do the dude ranch. ‘Cause the staff didn’t like the rides. But the students wanted to go to the amusement park. And you know we said, it’s our trip

Regarding the issue of student ownership and control the students here could hardly be any clearer. They not only have a general feeling of control and empowerment in the school, which is partially the result of the sense of belonging and safety… But they have an institutional powerbase in school as well – the Student Committee. Of course, many schools have student governments that do not necessarily translate into student power in school. Sometimes student governments simply become instruments for coopting student leaders and winning student consent to school policies. . Other times student governments become marginalised from the sentiments of the majority of students. But in the case of Metropolitan H.S., these students cited specific examples of the Student Committee having an impact on issues that really mattered to students. From the outside, the issues cited may seem inconsequential. But dealing with a problem of smoking in the bathroom and reversing a staff decision regarding a school end-of-year trip represent concrete actions that helped improve student life at Metropolitan H.S. These kinds of experiences, taken in the context of the rest of the positive experiences students have of the school, go a long way toward building students' sense of self-respect and self-confidence as people who matter. To see this we need only look at Ali's precious statement: "But here they treat you like real people. Because you are a real person, actually." Yes, Ali is a real person. And her realising that she is a real person is one of the first steps toward becoming an independent social actor, who with the right preparation, could also become a public democratic political actor. An important part of the right preparation for public democratic citizenship is providing the opportunity for students to participate meaningfully in decisions that affect their day-to-day experience of school life. Metropolitan H.S. gives students that opportunity. One African-American student in particular at Metropolitan H.S. left me with a strong sense of hope that carefully structured and skilfully run public high schools can make a difference in helping prepare students for public democratic citizenship. James, speaking in the first focus group, commented on how he felt the school had helped prepare him for the future, both as an individual and as an active member of the larger society.

James:” I think that Metropolitan H.S. for me has done a number of things. And one of them is open my mind to the world and see that there's other places beyond Metro City... And also I think that Metropolitan H.S. has made me aware of a lot of things that I wasn't aware of before. You know, social problems, political problems, as well as racial problems, and different things like that. And again, I think that it has put me in a position where I think that I will be able to succeed in higher education.... I feel that I have a pretty good idea of where I want to be or where I'm going in later life. I'm in between where I want to go into a more corporate arena or you know, [make] some kind of change on the outside. Whether I'm inside the system or outside of the system I feel that I will try to make some change and make things better for the lower rung of people in the society." Many of the things James said seem to indicate that he has begun developing some of the values, attributes, and capacities that young people must possess if they are to become public democratic citizens, and through their efforts, help create a public democracy in the United States. His statement that he has become more aware of social and political problems suggests that he is beginning to develop a critical/analytical social outlook, examining social reality and identifying problems. His mention of racial problems points to an emerging critical social outlook as well, but also implies a concern for equality and justice. He speaks with an impressive self-confidence both about his preparation for college and about his sense of what he wants to do with his life and how he wants to contribute to society. His confidence in his own ability to have an impact on society as an independent social actor is one of the requisite qualities of public citizenship; that is, one is more likely to take public action if one feels that his/her actions will make a difference.

James' specific interest in trying "to make some change and make things better for the lower rung of people in the society" highlights his appreciation of the importance of public life and his personal commitment to work for social change. It also demonstrates his belief in the equal right of everyone to the conditions necessary for their self-development. Finally, James' interest in helping the "lower rung of people in society" points to a budding commitment to an ethic of care and responsibility. James is a young man who will graduate high school with what he feels is an appropriate intellectual preparation for college, and what I believe is an essential foundation for public democratic citizenship.

pp.166-170

Another example from the USA, including regulations can be read at:

School Councils: The Saskatchewan Vision http://www.ssta.sasknet.com/research/governance/96-13-htm

References checked:

In: SOAS, Institute of Education, Senate House Library, Institute of Commonwealth Studies,

* the astric indicated books that were actually useful!

References checked:

In: SOAS, Institute of Education, Senate House Library, Institute of Commonwealth Studies,

* The astric indicated books that were actually useful and which are included in this paper

A

Balls S.J.: The Struggle for Democratic Education in Sweden

Bancroft D: School Council. Learning By Doing, in World Study Jnl, V6 N2, 1986, pp. 21-23

Bridges David (Ed): Education, Autonomy and Democratic Citizenship,

Butts: The Morality of Democratic Citizenship, (1988)

Bottery M. & Siu: Empowerment, participation and Democracy? The Hong Kong Big Sisters Guidance

Programme, in Compare, Vol. 26, no1: Mar 96, p. 61-72

* Döbert D(1996): Das Bildungswesen der DDR: Inhaltliche und administrative Sachverhalte , und

Rechtsgrundlagen, Neuwied, Leuchterhand, 1995

Dooms: Governing Schools Democratically, in The Teacher, Feb 1997

* Edwards, Munn & Fogelman: Education for Democratic Citizenship in Europe, New Challenges for

Secondary Education, UNESCO Hamburg, Council of Europe Strasbourg, Swets & Zeitlinger (1994)

* Eklundh P. : Education for Democracy: Some notes on the Swedish Case in a Piagitian Epistemology

tradition: in Childrens Social and Economic Education, V2/2 (1997), pp 63-97

Entwistle et alt (eds): Beyond Communalism, Citizenship, Politics and Education, (1996)

Empowerment, Participation and Democracy, in Compare Vol. 26 1 (96) 61-72

Ethnicity and Education in Sub-Saharan Africa, in JNL of Educational Development, V14/3 (1994)

European Teachers Seminar on Citizenship Education 25-30 Aug1996, Upsala, Sweden,

K. Evens: Shaping Futures (1998)

* Gataka Jephtah K. et al: Education for Democracy: The experiences of Kenya, Chile, Denmark and

. Eritrea, in Occasional Papers (IDASA, Institute for Democracy in South Africa), 46 (1994)

* Gogan J. & Derricot D.: Citizenship for the 21st Century, An International Perspective on Education,

Kogan Page, London (1998)

* Gross Beatrice and Ronald (eds): Radical School Reform, Victor Gollancz Ltd, London, 1971

* Hahn, Carole, L: Comparative Perspectives on Citizenship Education, N.Y. State Univ. Press, N.Y.,

(1998)

Harber Clive: Developing Democratic Education

* Harber Clive: Ethnicity and Education for Democracy in Sub Saharan Africa, in Int Jnl of Educ. Develop,

Vol. 14, 3, (Jul 1994), pp 255-264

* Harber Clive: Voices for Democracy, A North South Dialogue for Sustainable Democracy, Education

Now British Council, Nottingham 1998

Hepburn M: Democratic Schooling: Internat. JNL of Political Education, 6, 1984, pp. 245- 262

Hoskin: Education for Democratic Citizenship in Multiethnic Societies, Lawrence Erlbaum, New Jersey (1991)
* Jensen & Walker (eds): Towards Democratic Schooling, Open University Press, Milton Keynes, 1989

Jones & Jones (eds): Education for Citizenship, 1992

* Kärenlampi Pavo: (The Fight for School Democracy in Finland )Taistelu kouludemokratiasta.

Kouludendemokratian aalto Suomessa, Date ?(Finish) (ISBN 951-710-099-X), English Summary:

at http://linnea.helsinki.fi/elektra/kartsum.html (February 2000)

* Heinrich Kranz: Deutsche Erziehungsgeschichte 1945-85 in Quellen und Dokumenten (history of the

German education in sources and documents 1945-85), Peter Lang Verlag, Frankfurt, 1987:

Leviatan, U.: Crisis in the Israeli Kibbutz, Westport, Conn., 1998

Lynch J. : Education for Citizenship in a Multicultural Society, (1992)

Melford, S, Children of the Kibbutz, Harvard Univ. Press, 1975

Ministry of Education Culture, Youth and Sport (Namibia): Namibian Educational Conduct for

Schools (1992) NOT FOUND

Moore et alt: The Child’s Political World, (1985)

Osler et alt (eds): Teaching for Citizenship in Europe, (1995)

Participation, Powersharing and School Improvement

* Röhrs (Ed): Die Schulen der Reformpädagogik Heute, Schwamm Handbuch, Dűsseldorf, (1986)

P. Serote: Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College. A Unique South African Experience. Transformations

(South Africa), V. 20 (1992)

* Schultze & Führ, Das Schulwesen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Beltz Verlag, Weinheim, (1973)

* Sehr, D. T,: Education for Public Democracy, State University of New York Press, (1977)

Sigel: Education for Democratic Citizenship, (1991)

Stott and Trafford : Partners in Change

The Politics of Future Citizens. New Dimensions in the Political Socialisation of Children, (1974)

Trafford B.: Participation,Powersharing and School Improvememt, 1997

Carlos Torres: Democracy, Education… Dilemmas of Citizenship in a Global World,
U

Veramu. J: Let’s Do it Our Way (Fiji)

Walters, Shirely. : Educational Democratic Participation (Cape Town)

White, J: Decision Making in a Democratic School, in World Study Jnl, V6 N2, 1986

Wringe C, Democracy Schooling and Political Education (1994)

[1] Beschlussamlung Nr 849. C Representation of Pupil’s Interests, in :Schultze und Fuehr [1973], p. 158 f [own translation]

[2] Gross pp. 158-160

[3] Athan Gotovos: Greece, in Gogan & Derricott (1998) pp. 33-35

[4] Editors Note: Lyzeum is the upper secondary level in Greece

[5] Athan Gotovos: Greece, in Gogan & Derricott (1998) pp. 33-35

[6] personal correspondence 11 May 2000

[7] personal correspondence 06 May 2000

[8] ibid.

[9] Editors note: Estonia population consists out of has 30% identifying as Russian, who mainly arrived with the Sovietisation period from 1944 onwards. The main language of Estonia is Estonian since 1989.

[10] personal correspondence 06 May 2000

[11] ibid [emphasis added]

[12] Döbert (1996) [own translation]

[13] This has by now been especially critsised in the case of kindergarten education, where the GDR had achieved a guarantee for women to be able to work and have the children in a state kindergarten, which is less what can be said of the new federal system, before or after unification.

[14] Personal Correspondence 17 May 200, Own Translation from German

[15] ibid

[16] ibid

[17] Editors Note: In Germany the school curriculum is decided by the department for Culture and Education (Kultusministerium) of each individual state. This has caused some discrepancies in the matters covered, technique of teaching and organisation of schools.

[18] Editors Note: The name of the new constitution refers to one of the campuses. It was set up in 1985.

[19] Editors Note The Ratio is: 18 staff members versus 4 pupil members in the parliament, but equal in the committees. Year 10 and Year 11 also have two 2 direct elected speakers to the governor’s council, which the teachers lack.

[20] Editor’s note: The author refers to one incident, which he uses as a symbolic metaphor. Caution is advised here not to generalise all students, due to one incident.

British Asian Music Scene

1999-11-16T00:54:00.006Z

broadcasted in 1999 - full transcript follows, all rights reserved!

THE BRITISH ASIAN MUSIC SCENE (Aug 1999)
Feature Production / Cool DW

Minidisk Manual:
(1) Gwandyaa Music Track from Stereonations CDSR 465 (1999)
(2) DZ/BA Feature: Length 5’50
IN: Great Britai.n
OUT: Daniel Zylbersztain from London
______________________________________________________-
Relatd Internetpages for Cool’s new WWW Link Site:

www.ballysagoo.com for Bally Sagoo
www.subdub.com for Soundnation

Script:

Apache Indian:
Boom Shack-A-Lak (1993) CID 560
862 5372
Duration 7’’

Background:
Bally Sagoo
Bollywood Flashback
(1994)
Sony 4776974
Duration: 20’’

Background
Bally Sagoo: Dub of Asia,
Promo Copy
Ishq Records 1999

Own recording!

Background: Fun-Da-Mental:
Frontline (1994) on Inner Nation (John Peel), Strange Fruit/Pinical Label; Duration 3’’

Britain hasGreat had an Asian and Indian population since about the 16th century, but when in the U.K people refer to “British Asians” they normally mean more recent migrants of continental Indian background, who came to the United Kingdom from the 1950’s onwards. Their children and grand children have now created a unique new style of music that reflects the many different influences that shaped them.

Pam Sambie is presenter of the BBC Asian Network, and usually the first contact of upcoming British Asian bands.

It’s amazing here in England. Especially in London. I’d say London a hometown of Asian underground music. It’s music which really want to make they make it for themselves. It’s all about the influences it’s all about their childhood it’ all about what they’ve been through in life. Some, not all of them, but certain bands tend to write kind of aggressive lyrics about political issues. The second generation are trying to move away – not so much in a bad way- but to keep their identity of their Asian cultures, but also to persue a career in singing. Being an Artist, being a
Musician, which ever one.

Soon the first successes were at sight. Apache Indian reached the British top ten with Boom Shack-A-Lak in 93, and was soon followed by artists like Bally Sagoo, who managed to sign Sony with Bollywood Flashbacks a mutation of famous Indian film-songs with current dance tunes. Bally Sagoo who has just released a new album called the Dub of Asia in his Birminham based studio:

Bally Sagoo: The UK is playing a very very important part in this style of music. The fusion of Eastern and Western Sounds has been started by people like myself. I’m a British Asian, my parents being Indian want me to be Indian at the same time. We felt – like myself felt, that there was a need for Indian music to sound funky and Westernized, and heavy drum beats and bass line and the kind of music I like listening to in nightclubs. I don’t want to hear any racism remarks, that don’t understand your music because nobody can understand Enigma, nobody can understand Makarena. I broke down a lot of barriers and I made sure that our music was there to be heard not ignored.

Despite most singers in India being female, the first wave of Asian British musicians were male. But this seems to be changing rapidly. Hardoure is one of the female vocalists of the second wave of current musicians:

Check it out Yo! First you’re a girl, second you’re Asian. And that makes it even more difficult for you, it’s very male dominated. We’re trying to do our music and have a good time really. I don’t really answer this for everybody, it’s just music is hip hop. And that’s the different thing you see, ‘cause I’m an Asian female, and there’s no other Asian female rap artist. Caure means Queen, yeah, and I ‘m Siik, so when you’re a Siik girl your name would be very very coure, and coure means queen, so I ve used that. I’ve been doing everything different according to rest of the sterotypes and people take that to be either she thinks she’s bad or she thinks she is hard.

Rapping:
Ah boom with the word in my head ‘c cause I’m raw
Lyricly formed coming through your stereo…

One of the most powerful groups in terms of their lyrics, alongside Asian Dub Foundation, is the group Fun-Da-Mental. Almost all their songs deal with social criticism and their music is heavily influenced by the Punk and Independent Scene, though Fundamental’s remains loyal to an Asian orientation according to their band headman Aki:

Aki: We’re into cultural kind of identity, but in a very spiritual way, , and we’re against human abuses, try to bridge together people. You know we feel, you know, we’re kinda like we do what we wonna do not what the music business wants you to do. I don’t mind the term Asian band, but not British, I don’t think I am British, I don’t think want to be British , because I don’t know what is to be British. You know, who’s to say if I was born and brought up in Pakistan I won’t be doing mad music?

Background
Stereonations: Nasha:
Someone,
CDSR 465
Duration: 34’

OUT: Tas Unplucked In terms of current success Stereonations are one of the leading atists in the Asian charts both in their home-country as well as in Asia.

Taz: You know we’were growing up with different music around us from Reggae to Soul to Hip Hop, Motown, Jazz, you know, you name it, and also Indian folk music, and when you grow up with all those different styles around you know you naturally pick up on different things. And you know I started experimenting with all different fusions, different types of music. The fusion that I represent, the kind of music that I am making is very unorthodox and it’s not something that is consciously done to please anybody, it.s something that’s a natural fusion as opposed to: Oh, we’ll manufacture a track, to that particular audience!

Musicians like Apache Indian, Black Starliner, Cornershop Bally Sagoo, Hardcaur, Fundamental or Stereonations are now just as much part of British music today as once were the Beatles. A year ago a British Asian music award was created to make the scene more noticeable. But their success seems still to have some difficulties to break the barrier to the leading British top ten ever so often dominated by Ibiza Pop, or the Spice Girls.

Daniel Zylbersztajn from London

Bonie Greer / Julia Pascal Dybuk

1999-11-16T00:50:00.004Z

Date of production: 16 November 1999

Produced by: Daniel Zylbersztajn

IN: Recently British Jewish

Out: For Deutsche Welle I am Daniel Zylbersztajn from London

Script

D.Z.:

Recently British Jewish Playwriter Julia Pascal and Black American Playwriter Bonnie Greer united their creative powers in a unique event at the British Library in London, which was to try to combine the work of the two writers in one event.

More significantly, in order to bring together, Jews and Blacks and their histories of collective sufferings, led by the voices of women. This was going to be a day that had the issues of trauma, loss and survival and how to enact these histories on stage, at its heart.

But not only was this a performing event, but it opened up to a critical debate, following presentations of Greer’s and Pascal’s works, a debate in which holocaust survivors, who were amongst the invited guests, actively participated and thus allowed for invaluable first hand commentary.

The two writers had worked previously together, Bonnie Greer has been acting for Julia Pascal and is now associate writer of the Pascal Theatre Company.

The event opened with extracts from various plays by Julia Pascal. Julia Pascal has gained international credibility as a second generation British Jew. Her plays include Theresa, The Dead Woman on Holiday, and Dybuk, all of whom deal with

holocaust survivor stories in one form or another. This year she released a new book entitled Holocaust Triology.

Here is one of the extracts taken from Julia Pascal’s play Dybuk:

[extract from dybuk]

D.Z.:

After a break Bonnie Greer, continued the event with readings from her works, - which included extracts from her first novel Hanging by her Teeth, and passages from a series of forthcoming short stories of hers. These stories deal with conflicting identities of African American women at locations outside the United States. The following extracts were read from the story called “A Frivolous Girl”, which features the confrontation of a young African American teenager with her first visit to Africa:

[extract from a very frivolous girl]

The presentations of the two play writers, were followed by an open discussion, which centred on the question of the possibility of picturing the black experience along side the Jewish and vice versa.

D.Z.:

This is Eugenie (say u-gine) Dodd a child survivor, who was inspiration to a forthcoming play called Dora:

“I think the experience is very different! There is the Jewish Experience and there is the black experience and I am not sure that they are exactly the same because there is a very, very different cultural background to them. And maybe you generalise it too much. You could say both of them are experiences of displaced people. But there is much more to it than that.”

D.Z.:

Boonie Greer responded to Eugenie Dodd, referring to her father who served in the then still segregated US Army:

“I do have to go back to my dad. If my dad could make a link in himself. I mean he was a guy who saw lynching, forced to see lynching – forced to see a lynching, when he was six year old -the clan made them all watch this man lynch. And he was in the segregated army in the United States. If he could feel that this related to him on some level, and when he went to that concentration camp, that’s what he reported to us. Of course the particularities are absolutely different.”

[Dodd] “But then you see there is also the visual aspect of it. You are black, I might be Jewish! When in the Dybuk there is this aspect of: Do I disclose that I am Jewish, Do I say so, am I embarrassed about being Jewish? You can’t do that! That’s choice!”

D.Z.:

This was Eugenie Dodd answering Bonnie Greer's reflection. Julia Pascal challenged the point about Jewish invisibility, remembering experiences whilst playing in France:

“Personally I know. In France I was taken to be an Arab. So I had quite a lot of race hatred. That’s the nearest I can get! That was my personal journey into that. And the fact that Bonnie was in it: we are the same generation, and lived through certain things. That for me was my way to do that.”

D.Z.:

So are the Jewish and the Black experiences the same? If Julia Pascal can feel racism for being mistaken to be an Arab in some racist corners of France, is it possible for a black person to understand the Jewish experience. Bonnie Greer again:

You have to hear me say to you that I can empathise. You see that’s the first thing that I am saying., and the rest of it is detail! You know what I mean? We have to work it out some kind of way. And I am not a spokes-person for anybody. All oppressed people have a commonality with that experience. The details and particulars are everybody’s details and particulars. I don’t deny that at all. But I am saying that there are things that I understand. And the things that I understand are the things that we should meet on, we should talk about, we should built on! And I understand everything because everything has happened to black people, so I understand it all! Except the thing is, what you chose and how you function. It is how we can start to work to build the things that we need to build! There is memory with a big M and there is memory with a little M. And I have on my wall pictures all the way back to my great great great great grand mother, little photos. One of them was a slave! And always through our family they talked about this experience. The waiting at the night for the door, the lynchings, the living in quarters where you weren’t fed, going out to work without any kind of recompense, the total fear that people lived into and people still live in many parts of the South, even as I speak. That memory, which happens to do with oppression, an art or creative person can use that, to pit into a particular mode. The rest of it, of course you check with the experts, with people who actually lived through it, with people who’ve gone through the particular thing that you’re writing on. But that general memory is something you can pull back from your own experience. And anyone who comes from an experience, an in fact anyone who doesn’t come from an experience of being particularly oppressed, if you work it through creatively, you can find a general moment that you can then use. So I feel that I was able to create that. Because I had from my own history those same experiences in general, not in particular but in general!

D.Z.:

Bonnie Greer. Having established that there was a similarity in the perception of the experiences, what is the whole purpose of these representations? A member of the audience opened up the debate:

“ I am coming from a slightly different perspective. I was interested in what you were saying about memories. The minute you were talking about memory and relating memories and sharing memories is making it impossible for the denial of those memories. And that’s what I find key in what you’re all saying is how do we prevent that denial. I work with children who have been abused. And there is so much about denial that that actually happens. So much about denying themselves that it actually happened to them. There comes a point when they can talk about it, which may not be for many years and what we have to do is to equip ourselves against that denial. That is what removes stereotyping, that is what fights prejudices, that’s the way to tackle. “

D.Z.:

In this light the point about traumatic collective experiences, their memory and the prevention of their denial become very acutely relevant. Bonnie Greer put it like that:

“We can remember and we can make words. So as long as we keep making language, and with our bodies and with our minds and with our voices, we can at least pass on the legacy of not denying! It’s true for black people. It’s what black people try to get, all of us in the Diaspora, the African Diaspora, really try to get the rest of the world to see, is not denying, not deny what happened. And you are doing this as well, Jewish people: We must stop denying, and there is so much denial going on. That’s the key.”

D.Z:

In her concluding words Julia Pascal added a contemporary example of such denial. Referring to the holocaust revisionist David Irving, who has been in various trials for holocaust denial, including countries such as Australia, Germany and recently Great Britain, she stated:

“Yeah, I just bring it back to the David Irving case. The whole thesis of that denial is to deny that Hitler knew what was going on, and that is why today is important and why we are connected, cause it’s the same story – from them – and that’s why it is terribly important why we go on making the work. What else can we do? We the next generation, who didn’t know it directly, but it’s so close to us, it’s our duty to tell those stories in any way we can!”

D.Z:
produced for DW in 1999 - full transcript follows - all rights reserved!

The implications for these words are grand. Not only for the Jewish and African Diasporas. Denial of the existence of suffering equally applies to millions and millions of forgotten souls wherever we live or you may listen, who bear evidence to the worst in human nature. All to quote Bonnie Greer, are different in particular but the human traumas and nightmares, are equal in general.

For Deutsche Welle, I am Daniel Zylbersztajn from London.

© 2000 DeutscheWelle

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Hey Jude, Jewish Socialist Winter 1998

1998-11-01T23:02:00.001Z

Hey Jude was an article published in Winter 1998 in the Jewish Socialist. It spoke about the strange rites of multiculturalism, as well as notions of Englishness and Britishness. Amongst others it stated that one of the things lacking in Britain were language classes in Urdu for non Bengoli English people in local populations that had a large percentage of Bangladeshi intake, and
takes issue with ethnic monitoring forms. Click the images to read the text (jpg format).